the spirit of liberation war of bangladesh essay

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Spirit of Liberation War

Recently a debate has cropped up over the finer points of the question what the spirit of liberation war really means. But I hope that no one would contest some very basic points. The most fundamental point would be 'liberation' or the right of any nation or people to self-determination as recognized by international law. After the March 25 midnight, that is, in the early hours of March 26, Bangladesh practically declared independence. After two weeks, the provisional government was constituted. This very fact bears out that Bangladesh was not prepared – at least not completely – for proclamation of independence. This government known as Mujibnagar Government issued 'the Proclamation of Independence' on 10th day of April, 1971. Accepting this Proclamation of Independence as a document of evidence would resolve the debate over a few issues. The proclamation of 10th April was issued by and under the authority of Constituent Assembly of Bangladesh composed of representatives elected in the free elections held in Bangladesh from 7th December, 1970 to 17th January, 1971. The representatives were elected to the Pakistan National Assembly and East Pakistan Provincial Assembly. I The Proclamation of 10th April 1971 also offers an explanation of the reasons for which Bangladesh declared independence.  According to this explanation, the representatives of Bangladesh did not proclaim independence spontaneously or unilaterally. They were compelled to proclaim independence, because 'instead of fulfilling their promise and while still conferring with the representatives of the people of Bangladesh, Pakistan authorities declared an unjust and treacherous war.' In the very Proclamation of 10th April it was stated that 'Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the undisputed leader of 75 million of people of Bangladesh, in due fulfilment of the legitimate right of self-determination of the people of Bangladesh, duly made a declaration of independence at Dacca on March 26, 1971, and urged the people of Bangladesh to defend the honour and integrity of Bangladesh.' Unfortunately in the times that followed a few kicked off a controversy on the question of Proclamation of Independence. Has anyone so far challenged the authenticity of the Proclamation of 10th April? If not, the question follows: which particular points of the Proclamation are they challenging? The question would arise: why was independence proclaimed in the night of 26th March? The Proclamation of 10th April provides an explanation of that as well. The Proclamation lays out the explanation in five points. Firstly, 'free elections were held in Bangladesh from 7th December, 1970 to 17th January, 1971, to elect representatives for the purpose of framing a Constitution [for Pakistan],' Secondly, 'at these elections the people of Bangladesh elected 167 out of 169 representatives belonging to the Awami League,' Thirdly, 'General Yahya Khan [the President of Pakistan] summoned the elected representatives of the people to meet on the 3rd March, 1971, for the purpose of framing a Constitution,' Fourthly, 'the Assembly so summoned was arbitrarily and illegally postponed for an indefinite period [by the Pakistani Authorities],'

And finally, 'instead of fulfilling their promise and while still conferring with the representatives of the people of Bangladesh, [the] Pakistan authorities declared an unjust and treacherous war.' What has been said so far – that is, 'an unjust and treacherous war' prosecuted by Pakistan – was the necessary and sufficient reason behind Bangladesh's proclamation of independence. Pakistani authorities did not stop at mere declaration of war. From the midnight of 25th March, they began 'continuously committing numerous acts of genocide and unprecedented tortures, amongst others on the civilian and unarmed people of Bangladesh.' It was owing to Pakistan's imposition of the unjust war and committing acts of genocide and other forms of repression that Bangladesh declared independence and the representatives of the people of Bangladesh issued the Proclamation of Independence. Through this proclamation, they laid down the lawful basis of a just war. In looking back, it therefore can be said that in response to the war, genocide, and repression waged by Pakistani authorities, the people of Bangladesh began the war of liberation to establish their effective control over the territories of Bangladesh. In this war, the critical asset of the people was their 'heroism, bravery and revolutionary fervour'. II What has been said so far, i.e. just war in the face of unjust war – is only half of the truth. The question would arise: what would be the vision of the state that would be established through the just war? The Proclamation of 10th April offers an answer also to this question. The Proclamation stated that the reason that held universal sway in establishing People's Republic of Bangladesh was 'to ensure for the people of Bangladesh equality, human dignity and social justice'. The people of Bangladesh engaged in armed struggle to establish effective control over the territories of Bangladesh. The unconditional surrender of Pakistani authorities on 16th December, 1971 made that control definitive. The liberation war of Bangladesh achieved victory.

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The spirit that inspired all classes of people of Bangladesh from 26th March to 16th December, 1971 – which finds its expression in the Proclamation of 10th April – is precisely the spirit of liberation war. After gaining the legitimate right of national self-determination, i.e. independence, we still have to draw up the balance sheet to see what we have achieved. Why was martial law clamped over the country within four years of independence?  We must ask this question. Why those who were the elected  representatives of the people's assembly or National Parliament for the four years could not exercise their 'heroism, bravery and revolutionary fervour' to establish their control in resisting martial law? This is another question to ask. Since then, 15 years passed under military rule in one form or another. Since 1990 – excluding two years – legitimate system of government has been reinstated. But has there been any salving of the people's misery and suffering? Have 'equality, human dignity and social justice' been established? If not, who is responsible for the lapse? The spirit of the liberation war lies not in evading these questions, but in asking them. Pakistan became 'independent' on the 14th August, 1947. A little over ten years inside independence, i.e. on 27th October, 1958, military rule was thrust upon the country for the first time. In late 1964, Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah, keeping the chain of events in mind, wrote: 'What fruit have we plucked with our independence? We profess our gratitude to the United States and other allied nations with whose financial and other support we have made a certain degree of progress. That we have not been able to achieve complete success is chiefly due to the fact that those who were at the helm of government prior to the declaration of martial law on 27th October, 1958 were servants of the English. Even after independence, they could not quite rise above the servile mentality.' Muhammad Shahidullah also added another sentence to this: 'Then again those who were the elected representatives of the National or Provincial Assembly were – save a few exceptions – firm believers in the principles of nepotism and pocketism, which as understood in Bengali means, patronage of one's own kin and filling of one's own pockets.' Dr Shahidullah identified corruption as the main driving factor that made military rule necessary in Pakistan. But he was also aware that mere change of ruler does not bring about change in the nation's lot. Military rule in Pakistan did not change the lot of the people of that country. The reason behind this – according to Dr Shahidullah – was the ignorance of the people of Pakistan. It would not be amiss to quote further from his powerful words: 'For a blind man, day or night make no difference. For an ignoramus, liberty and bondage are all the same. What can we expect when only four to five percent of the population literate in truth? An ignoramus too counts no more than a minor. Kinsfolk of a minor face no trouble in deceiving him/her to fill their pockets at his/her expense. Same thing happened in this country.' It has been 43 years since Bangladesh has achieved independence. Bangladesh has also seen her share of progress. But what has been the change to the fortune of people – who are the society's base and to whom the supreme power of Bangladesh belongs? In these 43 years – setting other questions aside, let us at least ask this question – what percentage of the people has been truly educated? III We assert on a regular basis that three million people lost their lives in the liberation war of Bangladesh. Yet, in the ensuing 43 years we have not been able to prepare a complete list of the martyrs. How then would we ensure 'equality, human dignity and social justice'? Ahmed Sofa, the great writer, raised this question in an article published on 12th December, 2000. As of today, I have not received an adequate response to this question yet. The question thus merits some elaboration. Ahmed Sofa was born in the Patiya upazila of the Chittagong (south) district. The name of his village is Gachhbaria. It has fallen under the newly constituted Chandanaish upazila. During the liberation war, he left the country and going via Agartala, took refuge in Calcutta. At the end of the war, he came back first to Dhaka, then to his village. What followed has been described in his article: 'Since 1972, whenever I have visited my village, I tried to make the village people agree to one matter. I repeatedly solicited the local people – including the [Union Parishad] members, Chairmen, and Matabbars – on the issue: I tried to make them understand that around 100 people of our village lost their lives at the hand of the Pakistani Army, Razakars, and Al-Badrs. The Chittagong-Cox's Bazar road [also known as Arakan road] passes across the heart of our village. I put forth the proposal that a billboard should be planted permanently at the side of the road carrying the names of the 100 people killed in the liberation war.' 'I proposed,' so went on Ahmed Sofa, 'that another line should be written on the billboard. It was like this: Wayfarer, unbeknownst to you, the village which you happen to be passing by had one of its children lay down his/her life for the liberation of the land! I have been harping on this proposition ever since 1972. Initially people would try to give me an audience with due attention. But after three or four years when I would still bring it up, people would think that I was unnecessarily trying to embarrass them. I think, if I present the proposal once again today, people would reckon me to have gone totally mad.' What, therefore, does 'spirit of liberation war' signify? Why, it was not only about Ahmed Sofa's own village – the same situation prevails all over the country. He wrote: 'In course of my work I have had to visit a good deal around 8 to 10 districts of North Bengal, central Bengal, and South Bengal. Wherever I went, I did ask people whether anything took place there during the liberation war. In many villages the inhabitants told me that, 'Punjabis did not set their foot in our village at all.' People in other villages said the Punjabis did come, burnt down houses, and killed many people. I would ask, do you happen to know the name and identity of those who were killed? The villagers would respond enthusiastically, 'why shouldn't we? Son of so-and-so, brother of so-and-so, grandson of so-and-so, etc., etc.'   Yet, why could not anyone prepare a comprehensive list of the martyrs of the liberation war? Thus deplored Ahmed Sofa: 'I would then say: why do you not write down the names of the people killed in the liberation war at the wayside? When anybody would pass through your village, s/he would read it and this would (then) give rise to a sense of respect in the visitor's mind for your village. The villagers would just look at me with their mouths agape, as if unable to make sense of what I was suggesting.' At this point our great writer is showing what has happened to the 'spirit of liberation war'. Ahmed Sofa wrote: 'In the different places of Bangladesh that I visited, nowhere could I find the names of the martyrs of the liberation war to have been written down with care and respect. It would not really take too much of an effort to undertake such an enterprise. It would take only a little patriotism and a little respect for the people killed in the liberation war.' Has it been too late to mend? Could we not set the matter right today? If we cannot, then we must admit that no such thing as the 'spirit of the liberation war' survives today.

References 1. Professor Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah, 'Swadhinata,' Dainik Paygam [Bengali daily], Biplab Sankhya [Revolution Day issue], 20 October 1964, 9 Kartik 1371 BS.

2. Ahmed Sofa, 'Muktijuddher Chetona Kothay Jonmay?' Khoborer Kagoj [Bengali weekly], Year 19, issue 50, 12 December 2000, 28 Agrahayan 1407 BS.

3. 'The Proclamation of Independence,' Mujibnagar, Bangladesh, dated 10th day of April, 1971, Seventh Schedule [Article 150 (2)], Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, reprint, October 2011.

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Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition/Essay for SSC & HSC

Liberation war of bangladesh composition / essay for ssc & hsc , liberation war of bangladesh for ssc students , introduction:.

The Liberation War of Bangladesh, also known as the Bangladesh War of Independence, was a significant armed conflict that took place in 1971. It led to the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent and sovereign nation. The war was fought between East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh) and West Pakistan (present-day Pakistan) and remains a defining moment in the history of Bangladesh. This composition aims to provide an overview of the Liberation War of Bangladesh for SSC students.

Background:

The root causes of the Liberation War can be traced back to the partition of India in 1947, which led to the creation of two separate nations: India and Pakistan. East Pakistan, despite being geographically distant from West Pakistan, was politically dominated by the West. This power disparity, along with economic and cultural differences, caused discontent among the people of East Pakistan. The struggle for autonomy and recognition of Bengali identity gained momentum over the years.

The Agitation and Repression:

The people of East Pakistan faced widespread discrimination and neglect from the West Pakistani government. The language movement of 1952, which demanded recognition of Bengali as a national language, became a turning point in the fight for autonomy. However, the ruling establishment responded with forceful repression, leading to numerous casualties.

Election of 1970 and the Liberation War:

In 1970, general elections were held in Pakistan, and the Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a majority of seats in the National Assembly. However, the West Pakistani establishment refused to hand over power to the Awami League, leading to widespread protests and strikes in East Pakistan. On March 25, 1971, the Pakistani military launched Operation Searchlight, a brutal crackdown aimed at suppressing the movement for independence.

The Struggle and Resistance:

The people of East Pakistan, undeterred by the military's oppression, organized themselves into armed resistance groups. The Mukti Bahini, composed of freedom fighters from various backgrounds, played a crucial role in the liberation struggle. They engaged in guerrilla warfare, sabotage, and other acts of resistance against the Pakistani forces.

International Support and Humanitarian Crisis:

The Liberation War gained international attention, and countries like India, which shared a border with East Pakistan, provided support to the Bangladeshi freedom fighters. On December 16, 1971, the Pakistani forces surrendered to the joint forces of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian army, marking the end of the war. The conflict resulted in a massive humanitarian crisis, with millions of refugees fleeing to neighboring India to escape violence and persecution.

The Birth of Bangladesh:

The Liberation War of Bangladesh resulted in the emergence of an independent nation. On March 26, 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared Bangladesh's independence, and the country began its journey as a sovereign state. The sacrifices made by the freedom fighters and the resilience of the Bangladeshi people in the face of adversity remain an integral part of the nation's history and identity.

Conclusion:

The Liberation War of Bangladesh was a pivotal event that shaped the destiny of the nation. It was a struggle for self-determination, justice, and recognition of the rights of the Bengali people. The war serves as a reminder of the indomitable spirit and sacrifices made by the freedom fighters who fought for the ideals of freedom, democracy, and equality. Understanding and appreciating this historic event is essential for SSC students to develop a deeper sense of national identity and pride.

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Liberation War of Bangladesh for HSC Students 

_________________________________________________________________

The Liberation War of Bangladesh, also known as the Bangladesh War of Independence, was a monumental armed conflict that took place in 1971. It marked a significant chapter in the history of Bangladesh, leading to the emergence of the nation as an independent and sovereign entity. This composition aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the Liberation War of Bangladesh for HSC students, exploring its background, key events, and the lasting impact it had on the nation.

The roots of the Liberation War can be traced back to the partition of India in 1947, which resulted in the creation of two separate nations: India and Pakistan. East Pakistan, located geographically distant from West Pakistan, faced political, economic, and cultural marginalization. The dominant West Pakistani establishment perpetuated discrimination and neglect towards the people of East Pakistan, which fueled a growing sense of discontent and demands for autonomy.

Agitation and Repression:

The quest for autonomy and recognition of Bengali identity gained momentum through various movements. The Language Movement of 1952, which demanded the recognition of Bengali as a national language, became a pivotal event in the struggle for autonomy. The ruling establishment responded with brutal repression, using force to suppress the demands of the people. The sacrifices made during this period laid the foundation for the subsequent liberation movement.

In 1970, general elections were held in Pakistan, and the Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, secured an overwhelming majority of seats in the National Assembly. However, the West Pakistani establishment refused to hand over power to the Awami League, disregarding the democratic mandate of the people. This led to widespread protests and strikes in East Pakistan, further aggravating the already tense situation.

The Pakistani military, under the leadership of General Yahya Khan, launched Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971. It was a brutal crackdown aimed at suppressing the movement for independence. The military's actions included mass killings, rape, arson, and widespread human rights abuses. This marked the beginning of the Liberation War, with the people of East Pakistan rising up against the oppressive regime.

Struggle and Resistance:

The people of East Pakistan, undeterred by the military's repression, organized themselves into various armed resistance groups. The Mukti Bahini, meaning "Freedom Fighters," played a crucial role in the liberation struggle. Composed of individuals from different backgrounds, including students, intellectuals, and ordinary citizens, they engaged in guerrilla warfare, sabotage, and other acts of resistance against the Pakistani forces.

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The Liberation War gained international attention, with countries like India providing crucial support to the Bangladeshi freedom fighters. Indian intervention in the war turned the tide in favor of the liberation forces. On December 16, 1971, the Pakistani forces surrendered to the joint forces of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian army. The conflict resulted in a massive humanitarian crisis, with millions of refugees fleeing to neighboring India to escape violence and persecution.

The culmination of the Liberation War led to the birth of the independent nation of Bangladesh. On March 26, 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared Bangladesh's independence, marking the end of a long and arduous struggle. The sacrifices made by the freedom fighters and the resilience of the Bangladeshi people in the face of adversity remain etched in the nation's history and collective memory.

Legacy and Impact:

The Liberation War of Bangladesh had a profound and lasting impact on the nation. It not only secured Bangladesh's independence but also shaped its identity as a country founded on the principles of democracy, freedom, and social justice. The war serves as a reminder of the sacrifices made by the freedom fighters and the price paid for the nation's sovereignty. It is an integral part of the Bangladeshi national identity, inspiring generations to uphold the values of independence, unity, and progress.

The Liberation War of Bangladesh stands as a testament to the indomitable spirit and sacrifices of the Bangladeshi people in their quest for freedom and self-determination. It was a struggle against oppression, discrimination, and the denial of basic rights. Understanding and appreciating the significance of this historic event is crucial for HSC students, as it provides a deeper understanding of their nation's history, instilling a sense of pride, and inspiring a commitment to upholding the ideals of freedom, democracy, and social justice.

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The Spirit of the Liberation War

Published on  The Daily Sta r

Bangladesh At 40: Looking Back And Moving Forward-part I

Professor Rehman Sobhan, one of the earliest proponents of economic justification for independent Bangladesh, and a member of its first Planning Commission, delivered a commemoration lecture yesterday at the National Museum on “40 years of Bangladesh: Looking back and moving forward.” We publish its full text in a four-part series starting today, in which the author expounds the historical genesis and narrates the struggle that led to the Liberation War and discusses the strength and weaknesses of democracy in Bangladesh, the first of four founding principles of the nation.

OVER the last year we have been commemorating the 40th year of Bangladesh’s independence. In these 40 years Bangladesh has registered many gains for which we should feel proud. We have established a globally competitive garment industry moved ahead of India in particular areas of human development and gender parity, extended micro-credit to 25 million women and drastically reduced aid dependence through an explosive growth in remittances by our hard working migrants. We have furthermore held four reasonably free and fair elections where incumbent regimes have been replaced by opposition parties through the ballot box. These are not inconsiderable achievements for a country once written off as a basket case.

But these achievements also remind us how much more we could have made of ourselves where Bangladesh could have fulfilled the promise which inspired our struggle for nationhood. My presentation today addresses the unfulfilled expectation of the generation which shared the privilege of participating in the liberation struggle. Had we been able to live up to these expectations Bangladesh would have been a very different place today. I will therefore explore this chasm which separates the hopes of yesterday from the reality of today and will then move on to offer some suggestions on what we may attempt to do to build a society which restores meaning to the spirit which sustained our struggle for liberation. In looking ahead we will need to recognize that both Bangladesh and the world around us have experienced seismic changes. We will accordingly need to calibrate our dreams of yesteryear to the world we live in today.

Bangladesh was not born because of an historical accident. Nor was it the gift of a departing colonial power grown weary of bearing its imperial burden. Our nationhood emerged out of a long process of struggle which culminated in a bloody war of liberation. To move large numbers of ordinary people to pledge their lives for a separate existence we needed to inspire them with a vision for a better world than the one they were repudiating. This inspiration was what came to be known as the spirit which inspired the liberation war, what we popularly term Muktijuddher-chetona. This is a phrase which is used so frequently and so casually as to be rendered almost devoid of meaning. We invoke this spirit as a ritual incantation and rarely bother to ask ourselves what this spirit embodies. I would argue that the spirit of the liberation war is adequately captured in the four principles which have guided our constitution: Democracy, Nationalism, Secularism and Socialism (which has later been elaborated to mean social justice). In my presentation before you, I will discuss why these pillars of our constitution capture the spirit of the liberation struggle, how far we have departed from these guiding principles and where we need to travel in order to restore meaning to the spirit of the liberation war.

Our emergence as a separate nation-state was the direct outcome of the persistent denial of democratic rights to the people of Bangladesh by the Pakistani ruling class. In 24 years of shared nationhood never once was central power in Pakistan exercised through the outcome of a free and fair election. The first such election in December 1970, 23 years after the emergence of Pakistan, led to the Awami League, under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, capturing a majority of seats in the National Parliament, with an electoral mandate from the people of Bangladesh to establish self-rule. It was the attempt by the Pakistani military junta to frustrate this democratic mandate, through the instrument of genocide, which inspired the liberation war. The liberation war was, thus, the final phase of our democratic struggle when the Bangali people had to come to terms with the reality that democracy could never be realised within the Pakistani nation state.

It is a tragedy for Bangladesh that our nationhood emerged out of our quest for democracy yet we have spent most of our national existence frustrating its realisation. We have lived through long episodes of martial rule and civilian autocracy. In 1990 when the Ershad autocracy was overthrown through a mass mobilisation the nation experienced the excitement of a second rebirth of democracy. But who would have imagined that within 17 years of this renewal of democracy our confrontational style of politics would have reached a point where the military were once again provided with an opportunity to intervene in the political process through the process of Emergency Rule. The military may have overstayed their welcome and overtaxed their mandate. But, fortunately for democracy and quite exceptionally in our historical context, the military, as promised, returned to the barracks within two years after helping to engineer a universally recognised free and fair election which enabled the incumbent government to return to power with a large plurality of seats in parliament.

There is no evidence that we have learnt the right lessons from our most recent malfunction of the democratic process. The politics of confrontation and intolerance appears to be once again permeating our political culture. The political opposition, over successive regimes, has been marginalised, partly as a result of its own political immaturity in boycotting parliament thereby violating its democratic mandate. As a result of these endemic boycotts four successive parliaments have been rendered virtually dysfunctional in their incapacity to discharge their primary mandate of keeping the executive accountable to the will of the voters.

The malfunctioning of our democratic institutions remains compounded by the continuing inability to strengthen democracy in our principal political parties. The principal political parties, in turn, reflect the gradual ascendance of money and muscle power as the driving force in democratic politics. Whilst some effort was made by the current ruling alliance to induct some candidates of modest means into parliament, politics in Bangladesh has remained largely a rich man’s game where both women and the financially deprived have been effectively disenfranchised.

The proliferation of violence, which becomes more pernicious when it is patronised by the state, continues to be deployed to further political and personal objectives. The purveyors of violence, the mastaans, have served to undermine our public educational institutions, interfere with the working of the administration, challenge the credibility of our institutions of law enforcement and compromise the vitality of our investment climate.

In such a distortion of the democratic process every institution of governance tends to be compromised. Our administration has become ineffective where both recruitment and advancement have been politicised and divorced from performance or norms. As a result virtually all public services as well as law enforcement have become partisanised and commoditised to a point where the machinery of government has lost virtually all capacity for functioning as an instrument of public service. The last remaining bastion of the rule of law, the judiciary, is now under threat. Over the years, the lower judiciary has degenerated into a politicised instrument of the ruling party. The once independent upper judiciary, which served as a bastion of our democratic freedom, is being exposed to a process of creeping politicisation.

The appointments to the Election Commission (EC) had been similarly politicised upto the tenure of the last elected government. It remains to be seen how far the new appointments to the EC, who are expected to preside over the next round of elections to parliament in 2014, will be selected on the basis of merit and consensus. The integrity of the very institutions to safeguard the democratic credentials of our electoral process needs to be protected.

However, the independence and credibility of the EC may not be enough of a guarantor of free and fair elections. Experience over the last three decades has established that prior to a national election all recruitment and postings in the police force, upazilla administration, schools, and now the armed forces, which can in any way influence the direction of the national elections, have tended to be politicised. In such circumstance, the scope for a free and fair election, where the role of money and ruling party patronised mastaans could be contained, have compromised the freedom of action of the EC. It was this exposure to the influence exercised by a partisan administration which inspired the Awami League and its allies in 1995 to initiate the campaign for institutionalising the system of holding elections under a non-partisan caretaker government. This system was incorporated in the constitution in 1996 and has, with some limitations, ensured three relatively free and fair elections over the last 15 years. The logic and wisdom of the present government’s decision to do away with the very system it had politically sponsored remains questionable and is unlikely to be compensated by a strong EC. The history of electoral politics in Bangladesh, going back to the period of Pakistani rule, indicates that in the absence of a non-partisan caretaker government no incumbent government has ever vacated office through defeat at the polls.

The last recourse of democracy, the free media, is demonstrating considerable resilience. But the security of journalists has been periodically endangered and the independent press itself faces a constant struggle to secure itself from both state pressure and private terror. Here again, people with money and state patronage are making inroads into the media and are investing both in the print and electronic media with the expectation of “managing” the news in the service of partisan and private gain. That our institutions of democracy and governance should have degenerated to a level where the very sustainability of the democratic process is endangered is particularly distressing when we consider our long and painful struggle for democracy.

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‘Muktijuddher Chetona’ – The Spirit of Liberation War: From Slogan to the Substantive

“Equality, Human dignity and Social justice” – the visionof independent Bangladesh, stipulated at the Proclamation of Independence by the Bangladesh Government-in-Exile on 17 th April, 1971 in Mujibnagar

In recent times, similar to Trump’s ‘Making America Great Again’ (an exclusionary ultra-right slogan) or Modi’s ‘Achche Din’ (promise of good days through Hindutva ideology that seeks to establish the hegemony of Hindus and the Hindu way of life in a multi-faith Indiaas the panacea, is exclusionary), the slogan, the “Muktijuddher Chetona” – MC- (‘Spirit of Liberation war’) which is being promoted by the ruling party, the Awami League (AL) in Bangladesh in the guise of patriotism is equally exclusionary.

While it is true that Bangladesh came to being through a bloody liberation war (Muktijuddho) and that the war was inspired by a number of motivational factors or ‘chetona’ (spirit)and thus Mukitijuddher (Liberation war) Chetona (Spirit) is real, current use of the term that gained much currency during the last decade or so of Awami League’s (AL) rein and more precisely,during the ‘Shahbag movement’ of 2013 where the movement’s leaders promoted it as a rallying tool to push through, some say with behind-the-scene support of the government, their demand for extreme punishments for the under-trial 1971 alleged war criminals who were Islamists and belonged to the opposition political parties, harboured an agenda which was and is more political than universal.

Most of these alleged war criminals have since been tried and hanged but the slogan, ‘Muktijuddher Chetona’ has not died, it continues to occupythe political space, evidently to serve two opposing but inter-connected purposes –  to project the ruling AL, as the sole owner and champion of the liberation spirit (‘chetona’) and liberation of Bangladesh and secondly, portray all others especially the mainstream opposition, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and their allies as anti-liberation or ‘chetona’-less forces. This is inconsistent with the true meaning of the term, Muktijuddher Chetona.

From slogan to substantive

Leaving aside its current opportunist and divisive use,Muktijuddher Chetona or the spirit of liberation has been and still is real and thus defining the term in a more concrete and substantive manner may be good way to restore the real from the fake.

In order to do this, we generated a debate on the subject in a social media. Some responded with sarcasm and dismissed the whole idea by saying “Is there any document regarding ‘muktijuddher chetona’?” and therefore, “should we bother?”Others have argued that the whole idea of “chetona” is a shenanigan because, “US also achieved its independence through a war, I mean shooting war and achieved great success without pursuing any ‘Chetona” and therefore, “Is it possible we can do the same without any “Chetona” or not. If not why not?”

Others have however, responded more positively and offered the following definition, of real Muktijuddher Chetona which is about establishing “….an exploitation free” Bangladesh,a country “…where people can develop economically and politically …where, Rules of law prevail, ….[where citizens] can express his/her political opinions freely orally and in writing, and critique actions of the government….the right to form political associations and parties and organize meetings….seek redress of his or her grievances and social injustices through legal means in the court of law without threats and harassment. No discrimination, based on religion, sex or political faith…. Institutions are developed to protect and safeguard rights described above.”

This definition has indeed captured some of the true aspirations of the 1971 liberation war and this became evident when some suggested and quite rightly that instead of speculating, a more credible and substantive way to define the concept would be to consult,as source materials, the documents and pledges that helped crystallising the spirit (‘chetona’) of liberation and the liberation war (‘Muktijuddo’) and liberation itself. These documents include but not limited to:(i) the pre-independence 6-point movement document that for the first time promoted the vision of an autonomous and‘discrimination free’ self-governing East Pakistan within Pakistan; (ii) the All Party East Pakistan Students 11-point demand that articulated more explicitly a vision of an ‘exploitation’ free society for the then East Pakistan; (iii) the 17 th April, 1971 war-time ‘Proclamation of Independence of Bangladesh’ by the Bangladesh government-in-exile that delineated a vision of Bangladesh as a society based on the principles of “equality, human dignity and social justice”; and (iv) finally, the 1973 Constitution of independent Bangladesh that outlined in its preamble the following guiding principles of the independent Bangladesh –  “free from exploitation in which the rule of law, fundamental human rights and freedom, equality and justice, political, economic and social, will be secured for all citizens.”

Based on these pledges and commitments,Muktijuddher Chetona(Spirit of Liberation War ) is defined more substantively, as a spirit and/or a vision of Bangladesh where citizens live in freedom,with dignity and with equal rights,in democracy that guarantees equal opportunities to all to advance economically, politically and socially, equitably.

Viewing Current Bangladesh from the Substantive framework of Muktijuddher Chetona (MC)

Important aspect of a substantive definition is this that it provides a framework that allows us to ascertain the progress of Muktijuddher Chetona vis-à-vis its core values, namely equality, democracy and social justice through verifiable indicators. Table 1 below presents the current status of Bangladesh vis-à-vis real MC (Table 1 has been compiled and interpreted by the author from various international sources):

Table 1: Verifiable Indicators of Substantively Defined Muktijuddher Chetona(Spirit of Liberation War) and Bangladesh

It is evident from the Table 1 above that Bangladesh has done well economically and the government can indeed claim some but not all the credits for it and this is because so far asthe economic growth is concerned the main contributors, namely the Ready-Made Garment (RMG) and manpower exports are predominantly private sector driven and furthermore,the policy foundations of these two sectors that have been laid decades ago, have been yielding dividends incrementally, since. On the other hand, where government could assist but failed and especially in the RMG sector is in the area of guarantee of fair wages for and safety and security of the workers. For years, conditions in RMG sector have been appalling. But it took the government a tragedy like collapse of Rana Plazabuilding (an unfit building owned by a ruling party activist that housed several RMG factories) in 2013 that killed scores and injured many and the international outcry atthesub-human conditions in the sector,to take notice and act. Things in the RMG sector have improved since but recent unrest and also a recent investigative report by the UK based newspaper, the Guardian indicate that conditions are far from ideal and given Bangladesh’s poor record on Human Rights, Civil Liberties and Rule of Law that are key to protecting citizen rights including labour rights, continued injustices in the sector are anything but unexpected. Worsening rights and accountability conditions in the RMG sector and in the country as a whole have also something to do with worsening corruption and inequality in the country.

Indeed, Table 1 shows that rise in inequality and corruption are happening in tandem with falling rule of law, democracy and human rights.

Corruption in Bangladesh has reached such an abysmal level and the wealth gap has become so huge that statistics often do not portray the real picture. At one end,while the garment workers are struggling to survive on a pittance, at the other, the extent of inequality has reached such a level that a friend who recently returned from Dhaka attending a wedding reported that among many dazzling and costly arrangements that the bride’s father had organized and paid for, the peak was the performance of a Russian Ballet group that he hired to entertain the guests at the reception, god knows at what cost.Looks like some of the reported $82.0 billion of stolen national wealth,most of which safely reside overseas, are finding their ways in dazzling weddings in Bangladesh these days.

Rampant corruption is also correlated with deteriorating rule of law, democracy and human rights. According to Patricia Moreira, current Managing Director of Transparency International (TI), “Corruption chips away at democracy to produce a vicious cycle, where corruption undermines democratic institutions, and in turn, weak institutions are less able to control corruption” and this is evident in Table 1 where rise in corruption accompanies degradation of institutions of accountability, namely ‘State of Democracy’, ‘Freedom’, ‘Rule of Law’, ‘Human Rights’ and ‘Civil Liberties’.

Among these, human rights have suffered the most such that past decade has been a decade of countless extra-judicial murders, enforced disappearances, arbitrary jailing of political opponents, attacks on student and worker protests that have made rule of law, freedom of speech and freedom of assembly an anathema in the present-day Bangladesh.

Prime Minister Sk. Hasina however, has a different notion on human rights. In a recent interview with an Indian journal she argued, “We ensured people’s human rights. We always value the human rights for the people. Human rights do not mean security or safety only, it also includes people’s food security, their health security, their education, their housing and well being. A person wants a better life.  If we can do it, it means we are ensuring human rights.”She is right to some extent but problem with such selective notion of human rights is that without the guarantee of safety, security and dignity of all citizens which she herself admits is lacking,albeit somewhat inadvertently,economic and social benefits flow only selectively and iniquitously and current spectre of rising inequality is a proof of it. More importantly, if the right to life and dignity is not guaranteed how people would benefit economically or otherwise is difficult to understand – after all, one needs to be alive to benefit, right?

Human rights prosper in countries that have functioning democracies and so far as Bangladesh is concerned its track record on democracy is anything but inspiring and it reached its worst state during the 2018 election which the London-based Economist has described as the most “transparent fraud.” In this election not only voting were doctored but free exercise of voting rights met with dangerous consequences – several women who casted their votes in favour of the opposition parties were raped and in one case, where a presiding officer, a school teacher that refused ballot fraud,was murdered and his dead body was found in a ditch with hands and legs tied. In current Bangladesh taking democracy seriously amounts to inviting serious risks to life itself!

In sum, when put against the substantive definition of the term,Muktijuddher Chetona(the real spirit of liberation war) and when measured against the indicators of core values of equality, freedom and democracy of the Constitution and the Independence Proclamation, the report card of the ruling Awami League that has given currency to the term and made the claim to be the concept’s sole custodian and uses it frequently as a rallying cry to glorify itself and demonize its opponents, portrays for itself an image that it rather not have and also not an image that befits a party that once championed the fight for freedom and led the country to independence with the promise to uphold the very values they have since compromised and this is sad.

Thus time may have come for all including the Awami League to join hands and move from slogan to the substantive and reject the path of ignoble for the true spirit of the liberation war- ‘democracy, human rights and social justice’ –, the real Muktijuddher Chetona that our founding fathers once led and inspired us with that we aspired, embraced,dared and fought for!

The author is a former senior policy manager of the UN. This article has evolved from a recent discussion conducted at a social portal called Advance Bangladesh

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The Bangladesh Liberation War

• Eric A. Strahorn

December 16, 1971 marked the end of the Bangladesh Liberation War, a short-lived conflict between India and Pakistan that established the People’s Republic of Bangladesh from the territory of the former province of East Pakistan.

Although the war is best remembered for its dramatic alteration of South Asia’s geopolitical landscape, it also bears a more complex and lesser-known set of legacies for how we think about Cold War international relations, twentieth-century genocidal and sexual violence , and the limits of international law in post-conflict societies.

Map of the 1947 partition of India, where orange represents India and green represents Pakistan.

The province East Pakistan was created during independence from the British empire in 1947 . At that time, the South Asian subcontinent was partitioned into two countries: India (including lands with a Hindu majority) and Pakistan (lands with a Muslim majority). The people and territory of East Bengal became East Pakistan.

East and West Pakistan were geographically, culturally, and ideologically distant and distinct. An independence movement for East Pakistan grew up based on Bengal ethnic concerns, the right to use the Bengali language, and a desire for local political control and self-rule.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (center with glasses) campaigning in East Pakistan for the 1970 general election.

The seeds of political crisis that led to the Liberation War were planted on December 7, 1970. The Awami League won a substantial victory in Pakistan’s elections. The League was a political party led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who had campaigned for autonomy for East Pakistan. However, they encountered immediate opposition from General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of the Pakistan People’s Party, which attempted to prevent the Awami League from forming the next government.

After months of fruitless negotiations, the Pakistani army was deployed in East Pakistan on March 25, 1971. It pursued a policy of reprisal, targeting supporters of Bangladesh liberation and perceived enemies of the state like the significant Hindu minority.

Bangladesh nationalist poster depicting atrocities at the hands of the Pakistani army in 1971.

Deploying weapons such as fighter jets, tanks, and napalm—and creating radical religious militias to participate in the systematic murder and deportation of the populace—the army of Pakistan committed war crimes that reached the level of genocide.

What began as an internecine conflict soon became an international one. A Bangladesh independence militia called the Mukti Bahini, which drew support from the government of India , often engaged in guerilla operations in East Pakistan from bases on the Indian side of the border.

With as many as 15 million refugees crossing into its territory by autumn 1971, India decided to intervene militarily in the autumn for “purely humanitarian reasons” according to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Pakistan preempted Indian action, however, by attacking northern India from West Pakistan on December 3.

Map of Bangladesh Liberation War refugee and troop movements in 1971 (left) . Text of the Instrument of Surrender, 1971 (right).

Although the fighting lasted for only two weeks before a Pakistani surrender, the war became a flashpoint within the wider Cold War. Fearing that an Indian victory would pave the way for Soviet domination in the region, the United States did what it could to buttress Pakistan from the outset.

The Nixon administration had, for example, dispatched the aircraft carrier Enterprise into the Bay of Bengal as a deterrent to Indian military intervention. It also refrained from criticizing the ongoing humanitarian crisis, publicly declaring between March and December that the conflict remained a Pakistani internal matter.

Even as American diplomats at the consulate in Dhaka futilely sounded the alarm over the ongoing “selective genocide,” the White House illegally transferred weapons to Pakistan in direct violation of a Congressional sanction. The U.S., in other words, was complicit in an unfolding humanitarian crisis of astounding magnitude.

Monument to the teachers and officials of Dhaka University who were killed during the Liberation War.

Estimates of the death toll vary, stretching from hundreds of thousands to some 3 million. Furthermore, the Pakistani army used rape as a weapon of war. At least 200,000 women were assaulted and some 25,000 children resulted from those attacks.

The memory of those events remains contested. The government of Pakistan has never acknowledged that any atrocities were committed during the war and continues to insist that only a few thousand people were killed. In the slim literature on the subject, scholars have debated whether the Pakistani army’s actions qualify as genocide and who should be held responsible.

Exhibition at the Liberation War Museum in Dhaka displaying human remains and war materials.

In Bangladesh, the political consequences of the Liberation War continue to resonate. Awami League governments led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (known as Mujib, 1973-75) and Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001; 2009-present) have sought to punish those who collaborated with Pakistan and enacted the 1973 International Crimes (Tribunal) Act and the 2009 International Crimes (Tribunals) (Amendment) Act (ICTAA). By 1975, some 752 people had been convicted and imprisoned.

But, despite their names, these tribunals remained solely Bangladeshi in scope and have never been affiliated with the International Criminal Court , leading some observers to claim that the trials have not met international standards.

At times, justice has appeared more distant than ever.

Individuals who aided the Pakistani army, or who were involved in the assassination of Mujib in 1975, have served in the governments of General Ziaur Rahman (1975-81), General Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1982-90), and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party led by Khaleda Zia (1991-1996; 2001-2006). General Ziaur Rahman halted the war crimes trials and they did not resume until 2010 under the ICTAA.

Demonstrators in Dhaka, Bangladesh (2013) demanding the death penalty for Kader Molla and all other war criminals who committed atrocities during the Liberation War of Bangladesh.

The legacy of the Liberation War continues to shape civic life in Bangladesh today. As trials have been conducted in recent years, there have been violent protests by both their opponents and by those demanding harsher sentences for those convicted. Since 2013, there have been a series of murders of prominent secularists and human rights activists by Islamists in what appears to be retaliation for the trials.

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Bangladesh: MUKTIJUDDHER CHETONA – The Spirit of Liberation War

By Adil Khan

In Bangladesh in recent times, the term, “Muktijuddher Chetona” (‘Spirit of Liberation war’) has become a much used if not much abused term in the political vocabulary and yet so far no one has cared to explain what it really means in concrete sense. Furthermore, the concept was also never promoted nor discussed, neither during the pre-liberation movement period, nor during the liberation war and not even in the immediate aftermath of independence. It gained currency mainly during the last decade or so of Awami League’s (AL) rein and more precisely at the time of the Shahbag movement of 2013 where the movement’s leaders invented the term as a slogan mainly to inspire people to demand extreme punishment of the 1971 war criminals who were facing trial at the time. Most alleged war criminals have since been tried and most have been hanged but the term, “Muktijuddher Chetoa” continues to occupy political space, evoking much interest among some to explore what it means or denotes in concrete terms.

Some, however, are less interested and dismiss the whole thing by saying “Is there any document regarding ‘muktijuddher chetona’?” and therefore, why should we bother. Some also argue that the whole idea of “chetona” is nonsensical because, “US also achieved its independence through a war, I mean shooting war and achieved great success without pursuing any ‘Chetona” and therefore, “Is it possible we can do the same without any “Chetona” or not. If not why not?”

Notwithstanding, while these scepticisms are legitimate, as the term has got quite a bit of currency  and is used frequently by the ruling party (the party that  not so much to inspire the whole nation but to brand and separate people and political parties along some sort of villain/saint ideological lines, it may not be a bad idea to attempt constructing an operating objectively verifiable definition of the term, for no other reason but to assist tracking progress and more importantly, take governments to account on the basis ‘chetona’ or spirit of liberation through measurable parameters.

Responding to our request in the social media to define the concept, a colleague suggested the following, “Muktijuddher Chetona or spirit of liberation means “….an exploitation free country, a country where people can develop economically and politically without being coerced by the power of the state.”

However, when this definition was shared among colleagues, someone responded by saying that “I think the term ‘exploitation Free’ needs elaboration given that the term is pretty loaded” and this has since been done and ‘exploitation free’ has been elaborated as a state where, “Rules of law prevail, rules that will protect a person’s life and property. Which means a person will be able to exercise his or her property rights, has the freedom to own, buy and sell the property he or she acquires legally, can express his political opinions freely orally and in writing, and critique actions of the government with impunity individually. Individuals should have the right to form political associations and parties and organize meetings and orderly marches. A person can seek redress of his or her grievances and social injustices through legal means in the court of law without threats and harassment. No discrimination, based on religion, sex or political faith should be tolerated, particularly in workplace and educational institutions. Institutions are developed to protect and safeguard rights described above.”

In sum ‘exploitation free’ means a state where citizens are endowed the right to live in freedom and with dignity and with access to equal opportunities to advance themselves economically, politically and socially equitably and also to live as equals.

Now coming to defining ‘Muktijuddher Chetona’, some have suggested that a more credible and objective way to define the concept would be to consult various movements and pledges that led firstly, from the autonomy movement for East Pakistan to liberation war and independence and principal among these are – the pre-independence 6 point movement document  that promoted the vision of an autonomous and ‘discrimination free’ East Pakistan; the All Party East Pakistan Students 11-point demand that articulated more explicitly and for the first time a vision of an ‘exploitation’ free society for the then East Pakistanis;  then the 17 th April, 1971 ‘Proclamation of Independence of Bangladesh’ by the government-in-exile that outlined the vision of a society based on “equality, human dignity and social justice”; and finally, the 1973 Constitution of independent Bangladesh that included in its preamble a clear and agreed vision for the country which is “free from exploitation in which the rule of law, fundamental human rights and freedom, equality and justice, political, economic and social, will be secured for all citizens.” In this regard, some thus stress and quite rightly so, that apart from these pledges and documents all other terms, concepts and slogans that are promoted as ‘Muktijudder Chetona’ are ‘bakwaz’ (bogus) as these are done with an ulterior motive, not to advance the country but to complement narrow political objectives.

If indeed, we take these documents and pledges especially the 1973 Constitution and construct an operational definition of “Muktijuddher Chetona”, we find that the concept specifies ideals and the principles for advancing that not only reflect the aspirations of all people but also provides a framework that can be used to measure progress and hold governments accountable more objectively.

Table below which has been based on verifiable indicators of the key parameters of the Constitution namely, free from exploitation, rule of law, human rights and freedom, equality and justice, political, economic and social security reveals, in measurable terms, country’s current status or state of progress on core values of operating definition of ‘Muktijuddher Chetona’ (the table has been compiled from various sources by the author):

It is evident from the table above that Bangladesh has done well economically and the government can indeed claim some but not all the credits for it and this is because so far as economic progress is concerned main contributors, the namely Ready-Made Garment (RMG) and manpower exports are predominantly private sector driven and also the policy foundations that advanced these two sectors have been laid decades ago from which the dividends are flowing now. On the other hand, where government could assist and had the obligation to do so but failed especially in the RMG sector is in the area of guarantee of fair wages for and safety and security of the workers. It took a tragedy like Rana Plaza that killed scores and injured and an international outcry that exposed sub-human conditions prompted the government to act. Things in RMG have improved but more are needed.

Bangladesh has also done well in education and health mainly with NGO support especially in rural areas.

Indeed, when one compares Bangladesh’s impressive economic growth against non-economic values – those that have been enunciated in the Constitution and those that I believe define ‘Muktijuddher Chetona’ or spirit of liberation war such as equality, accountability, freedom, human rights, rule of law etc. – the picture is anything but flattering. The scorecard reveals appalling deteriorating trends in inequality, corruption, freedom, rule of law and human rights.

Rising inequality which is often triggered by a number of factors but mainly due to corruption and absence of accountability and rule of law, is becoming endemic by the day and  statistics often do not portray the real picture of the extent of inequality and vulgarity of show of wealth that characterize the socio-economic scenes in Bangladesh these days. A friend who recently returned from Dhaka attending a wedding reported that among many dazzling and costly arrangements the peak was a Russian Ballet group that the bride’s father had hired and god knows at what cost, to perform at the wedding. Indeed, in the ever changing iniquitous and status mongering snobbish ultra-rich social behaviour of Bangladesh, in which show of wealth is celebrated and not frowned upon, there has been a radical shift from the expensive ‘Korbanir Goru’ of bygone years to ultra-expensive wedding ceremonies of the present time!

Rampant corruption is also a sign of gross neglect of accountability, weak rule of law and worsening human rights and all these operate in an interlinking way as a vicious cycle. According to Patricia Moreira, current Managing Director of Transparency International (TI), “Corruption chips away at democracy to produce a vicious cycle, where corruption undermines democratic institutions, and in turn, weak institutions are less able to control corruption.”

On the issue of human rights, less we talk about is better. Past decade has been a decade of numerous extra-judicial murders, enforced disappearances, arbitrary jailing of political opponents, attacks on student and worker protests. Rule of law, freedom of speech and freedom of assembly are an anathema in present Bangladesh.

Prime Minister Sk. Hasina however, has a different notion of human rights. In a recent interview with an Indian journal she argued, “We ensured people’s human rights. We always value the human rights for the people. Human rights do not mean security or safety only, it also includes people’s food security, their health security, their education, their housing and wellbeing. A person wants a better life.  If we can do it, it means we are ensuring human rights.” Difficult to agree with such selective notion of human rights. Problem with such selective notion of human rights is that without the guarantee of safety, security and dignity of all citizens, economic and social benefits flow only selectively and iniquitously and we see the results already. On the issue of human rights Bangladesh’s record is so pitifully depressing that citizens right to vote and choose who they wish to be government by, has also become an unlikely aspiration if not risky.

In sum, when put against an operational definition of ‘Muktijuddher Chetona’ representing values that are in the Constitution, the ruling Awami League that has given currency to the term and claim to be its sole champion and uses it frequently to glorify itself and demonize its opponents, portrays an image that is hardly glorious and not befitting of a champion of the spirit of the liberation war.

Whole nation needs to unite and fight against the fake and misleading notion of ‘Muktijuddher Chetona’ and re-build the nation by invoking the real values of ‘Chetona’ namely democracy, human rights and social justice, the very values that the founding fathers and the nation as a whole once aspired and fought for, into the body politic of the nation.

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PM for nurturing Liberation War spirit in building 'Golden Bangladesh'

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina today called upon all Bangladeshis to let's not divide themselves and nurture the spirit and ideals of the Liberation War and participate in building a hunger-poverty-free, self-confident and self-respecting 'Golden Bangladesh' as dreamt by Bangabandhu.

She said this in a message on the eve of the great Independence and National Day.

"Today is the great Independence and National Day. Bangladesh entered its 51st year after the golden jubilee of independence. On this auspicious occasion, I extend my sincere greetings and congratulations to all the Bangladeshi citizens living in the country and abroad," the Premier said.

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 She remembered with the most profound respect the greatest Bengali of all time, the great architect of Bangladesh, Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, under whose firm and far-sighted leadership, Bangladesh got an independent state.    Sheikh Hasina remembered the four national leaders who steered the liberation war with their able guidance.    The debt of the blood of three million martyrs of the liberation war and the self-sacrifice of two hundred thousand mothers and sisters will never be repaid, she said.    The Prime Minister paid her deep respects to all the fearless freedom fighters, including the war-wounded.    "I am grateful to all the friendly countries, organisations, institutions, individuals, particularly to the then Prime Minister of India, Shrimati Indira Gandhi, for their generous support during the War of Liberation," she said.    "Although we officially made our debut as an independent nation on March 26, 1971, the young student leader Sheikh Mujib had dreamed of establishing a sovereign state in this land since the creation of Pakistan in 1947 based on religion at the key," she said, adding that Pakistanis' social, economic, and political discriminatory attitudes became clear day by day.

Sheikh Mujib remained steadfast in defending the rights and dignity of the Bengalis in return for any sacrifice, she said.

She said the two organisations of his far-reaching thoughts are the Chhatra League and the Awami League, where he was deeply involved from their beginning until the end of his life.

From the language movement of '52 to the victory of the United Front election of '54, the anti-Ayub movement of '62, six points of '66, the mass upsurge of '69-- these two organisations had an immense role in the struggles, she continued.

 The Prime Minister said in the face of public outrage, Ayub Khan was forced to repeal the ordinance on the Agartala conspiracy case.

 Sheikh Mujib became the beacon of hope and aspiration of Bengalis "Bangabandhu", she said.    She said on December 5, 1969, on the death anniversary of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib declared, "From today, the name of this eastern country of Pakistan will be Bangladesh only instead of East Pakistan."    The Awami League, led by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, won a single majority in the National Assembly of '70 elections. However, the Pak-military junta started procrastinating without transferring power, she mentioned.    Sheikh Mujib called for a non-cooperation movement and, in his historic speech on March 7, gave a clear outline of the goal of liberation from the long 23 years of rule and exploitation, she said.    On 23rd March, the flag emblazoned with the map of Bangladesh was hoisted all over the country, she added.    At midnight on March 25, Pakistani troops started killing unarmed Bengalis in the name of 'Operation Search Light', the Premier said.

 She said Sheikh Mujib was arrested in the early hours of March 26. He made the official declaration of independence before being arrested.    Sheikh Hasina said the Bengali public leader was imprisoned in Mianwali jail in Pakistan and subjected to inhumane torture.    At the call of the Father of the Nation, the freedom-loving people of Bengal, inspired by the slogan 'Joy Bangla,' started fighting for the liberation of the motherland with whatever they had, she said.    On 17 April, the Mujibnagar government swore in Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as President, Syed Nazrul Islam as Vice-President, Tajuddin Ahmad as Prime Minister, Captain M Mansur Ali and AHM Kamaruzzaman as Ministers, she said.

"Subsequently, to properly conduct the liberation war, the whole country was divided into 11 sectors, and commander-in-chief was appointed," she said, adding that after a long nine-month armed struggle, independent sovereign Bangladesh was liberated on 16th December.

 The father of the Bengali nation, President Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was released from prison in Pakistan and returned to his beloved independent motherland on January 10, 1972, devoted himself to rebuilding the war-torn country, she said.    With the help of allies, as there was an empty treasury, he rehabilitated the displaced people, restored and developed the infrastructure, and put the production sector and the economy on a solid foundation, Sheikh Hasina said.    "Bangabandhu approved a constitution within nine months of independence," she said, adding that Father of the Nation made the country as a least developed country in just three and a half years.    Bangladesh gained recognition from 116 countries and membership in 27 international organisations through his diplomatic efforts, the Premier said.    "But our misfortune is that the defeated anti-independence clique of '71 continues to conspire against him. Incumbent President Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was martyred along with his family members on August 15, 1975, by the brutal bullet of the assassin," she said.    She said the murderous Mostaq-Zia and their successors illegally seized power and established a dictatorship in the country.    The BNP tarnished the proud history of the Bengali nation by placing the perpetrators of the infernal massacre on 25th March, criminals against humanity and war criminals and murderers of the Father of the Nation in the National Parliament and hoisting the flag of independent Bangladesh in their cars, she added.    Bangladesh Awami League, after a long 21 years, in 1996, won the people's mandate and got the responsibility of running the government, Sheikh Hasina said.    "We took on the mission of changing the lives of poor and marginalized people by introducing social security programs. We made the country self-sufficient in food production. We set up community clinics to provide primary healthcare to the country's marginalized people. We built houses for the homeless people by taking shelter projects and strengthened the local government system. We made mobile phones and computer technology readily available," she said.    The Prime Minister said: "In 1996, we signed a 30-year Ganges water-sharing agreement with India. To establish peace in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, we signed the historic peace agreement in 1997 and repatriated the Chakma refugees who had taken refuge in India to Bangladesh. On March 8, 1997, we announced the women's development policy."    "We provided approval for launching the privately owned terrestrial and satellite television channels," she said.    "By repealing the Indemnity Ordinance, we start the trial for killing the Father of the Nation. We establish the independence of the judiciary, the rule of law, and human rights. We re-establish the liberation war values in society and national life by preventing distortion of history," she said.    "Our government's 1996-2001 tenure was a journey towards a brighter future, breaking the vicious circle of backwardness, underdevelopment, and poverty," she said.    Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said Bangladesh Awami League has been running the government since 2008 with the people's unwavering support in all the national elections.    "We transformed Bangladesh into a developing country by implementing Vision 2021, created digital Bangladesh, and brought 100 percent of people under electricity coverage," she said.    "We opened the door to the blue economy by establishing sovereignty over the vast area of the sea. Implementing the land boundary agreement with India, we ended the long-standing misery of the enclaves," she added.    "Soon, we will inaugurate the Padma Bridge under construction with our own funds. Besides, mega-projects like Metrorail, Matarbari Power Project, Rooppur Nuclear Power Station, Karnaphuli Tunnel, Sonadia Deep Sea Port and Elevated Expressway are also progressing fast," the Premier said.    "We launched the Bangabandhu-1 satellite in space. In response to the Corona pandemic, we formulated a budget focusing on the people's livelihood, and we gave an incentive of US$ 22.08 billion to keep the economy afloat. Most people in the country have been vaccinated against coronavirus," she said.    Sheikh Hasina said: "Despite the pandemic situation, we've achieved economic growth of 6.94 percent. In Mujib Year, we provided 1,17,329 landless and homeless people with semi-permanent houses, and another 54,551 homes are under construction for transfer. Our current per capita income is US$ 2,591. We formulated the Second Perspective Plan, Vision-2041, for the next 20 years and have started implementing it under the eighth Five Year Plan."      "We are implementing 'Bangladesh Delta Plan-2100'. I firmly believe that Bangladesh will soon emerge as a developed and prosperous state on the world map if we continue the pace of development that we have created in the country," she said.    "We established the rule of law in the country by enforcing the verdict of trial for killing the Father of the Nation and the war criminals against humanity," she said.    "We published four volumes of the 'Records of Proceedings, Agartala Conspiracy Case, filed by Pakistani rulers against Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, 11 volumes out of 14 of the 'Secrete Documents of Intelligence Branch on Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (1948-1971),' including The Unfinished Memories, The Prison Diaries and New China 1952," she said.    The Prime Minister said she believes that by reading these books, the new generation will be able to have a broader understanding of the firm footprints of the Father of the Nation in the history of the country's independence.    "We are fortunate to have simultaneously celebrated the 2020-2021 birth centenary of the Father of the Nation, Mujib Barsha, and the Golden Jubilee of independence through colorful programmes," she added.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina / Liberation War

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The Bangladesh Liberation War, The Sheikh Mujib Regime, And Contemporary Controversies

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• ASIN ‏ : ‎  B01N3NQQHR
• Publisher ‏ : ‎  Lexington Books (October 19, 2016)
• Publication date ‏ : ‎  October 19, 2016
• Language ‏ : ‎  English

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Essay : The Liberation War of Bangladesh

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The Liberation War of Bangladesh: Role of the Army

2015, Asian Studies, Jahangirnagar University Journal of Government and Politics

Liberation War of Bangladesh is indeed a unique episode of her history. The people of Bangladesh rallied behind the Liberation Forces to fight a war spearheaded by the Bangladesh Army. The Bangladesh Army played an important role throughout the Liberation War involving in the declaration of independence, frontal attack against the occupation army of Pakistan, formation of Mukti Fouz, making the war strategy along with the division of the whole country into 11 sectors, formation of three brigades and training of the Mukti Bahini (freedom fighters) at various training centers. The main objective of the article is to analyze the role of Bangladesh Army in Liberation War. This study shows why and how army participated in Liberation War and their participation in the decision making processes during the war. The study is based on secondary data, i.e. books, journals, newspapers and magazines.

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Harun Ar- Rashid Mamun

The age of the Bengali liberation war has crossed almost five decades. The political, social, economic, and cultural background of the liberation war of 1971 and the emergence of independent Bangladesh is huge and varied in the form of canvas. So, this current study titled "The Liberation War of Bangladesh: Emergence of Nationalism in the Political Context" aims to investigate in what context have the common people, including military, paramilitary, political, administrative and business people, come together at the same point to demand independence? Following that, the study deals with the great liberation struggle of the Bengali nation, and significant facts, events, situations, changes in the political landscape of the time, the background of the establishment of Pakistan, linguistic, tradition, culture, and conflicting differences between East and West Pakistan from 1947 to 1971. The development of Bengali nationalism is also documented in this study by highlighting inequality in different sectors by using various data and statistics. The study is mainly used secondary data to accomplish the article. For instance, books, interviews, newspapers, various researches, online liberation war documents, etc. were used as references in the described research.

Minhazul Islam

Bangladeshi people fought and gained their freedom against Pakistani military rulers after 9 months of a bloody sacrifice. The word liberation means freedom and this freedom cost Bangladesh 3 million martyrs life. The liberation war of Bangladesh and getting independence from Pakistan is the remarkable achievement for the Bangladeshi people. Besides liberation war in 1971 is the key to the unity of the people of Bangladesh. For being a remarkable achievement and key to unity for the Bangladeshi people it has some historical background.

K. R. B. Moum

tan lian seng

Farhad Hussain

Arman Zaman Chowdhury

Although civil-military relations have long been regarded as a subject of study in the developed world, military action in newly established Third World countries has made it a subject of research in the region since World War II. Despite the fact that Bangladesh gained independence in 1971 on the basis of civil-military cooperation, the relationship has not improved. Since the creation of the military-backed government on January 11, 2007, civil-military relations in Bangladesh have been the topic of renewed inquiry. The study looks at the historical context of civil-military relations in Bangladesh, the nature of civil-military relations in Bangladesh, diverse activities under military control, and political leadership.

Technium Social Sciences Journal

Md. Sayedur Rahman

Although Civil-military relations have historically been recognized as a subject of study in the developed world, it has become a subject of study in the region since World War II due to military intervention in newly independent Third World countries. Although the country became independent on the basis of Civil-Military relations in the war of liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, the relations did not last long. Civil-Military relations have been the subject of renewed research in Bangladesh since the establishment of the military-backed government on 1/11, 2007. The study discusses the historical context of Civil-Military relations, the nature of Civil-Military relations in Bangladesh, various activities under military rule, and political leadership. The roles of the military in the formation of the country have been analyzed. The limitations of Bangladesh's Civil-Military relations have been discussed on the basis of the experiences gained through personal interviews of high-ranking Civil-Military members and general public. In this study has been described on the civil-military relations in the light of developing countries which have been under military rule for several decades during the 1950s, 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s. Therefore in carrying out this study, the civil-military relations in other developing countries and Bangladesh have been analyzed to understand the comparative aspects of civil-military relations at both local and global level. In addition, guidelines have been given on what should be the military-civil relations in the Political System of Bangladesh.

India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs

amit ranjan

Both the Bangladesh state and society are yet to settle the questions over and narratives related to the Liberation War of 1971. Broadly, there are two groups with contradictory and conflicting interpretations of the events related to that war. This has also led to the mushrooming of militant groups in the country. The beginning of trial of perpetrators of Liberation War crimes since 2010 and the execution of a few of the leaders has further polarised the society and politics of Bangladesh. The existing debates over the Bangladesh Liberation War cannot be studied without looking into the roles of India and Pakistan. The two countries have their own interpretations and political fallout of the 1971 liberation war.

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Composition on Liberation War of Bangladesh

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Liberation of Bangladesh

Introduction: we know that the terms ‘man’ and ‘freedom’ are integrated with each other very deeply. They are so integrated that they can better be compared only to the two flowers bloomed in the same petal on the same brace of a tree.

Man’s birthright: freedom is the birthright of man. No one has any right to snatch away this right. But as ill-luck would have been, we had to suffer under the shackles of slavery for long 190 years under the British colonial rule and about 25 years under the barbaric domination of the Pakistani rulers. Then we had to groan under the untold pangs and atrocities of these two autocratic rulers.

Causes of liberation war: many are the causes of liberation war of Bangladesh . The British colonial rule ended up in 1947 with the birth of two independent states up in 1947 with the birth of two independent states called India and Pakistan Bangladesh became a province of Pakistan, the Pakistan rulers began to treat the Bengalese with the very cruel attitude of a step-mother. A sky high disparity was created by them in the different spheres of national life. These were made simultaneously in political, economic, social and cultural spheres, these deprivation and exploitation of the Pakistani rulers created serious grievances and resentments among the Bengalese. As a result, at one time, they lost the limits of their patience and rose up and revolted against them. Banga-bondhu sheikh mujibur rahan declared six-point magna carta in 1966. it proved to be a death blow to the Pakistani rulers. They put him in the jail bringing a false charge called Agartala conspiracy against him. But they were compelled to set him free unconditionally in the face of a mass upsurge. Then came up the general election in 1970. Sheikh mujibur rahman had a landslide victory in the election. But they denied to recognize has electoral triumph. This acted as the immediate cause for the Bengalese to stand up against them and demand independence.

Declaration of war: sheikh mujibur rahman roared up like a lion and made a clarion call to the people to stand up and fight to liberate Bangladesh from the grip of the Pakistani brutal. This declaration was made on the 7 th March, 1971 in the race course ground before an overwhelming crowd. He declared in a thundering like, this time’s struggle is for freedom, this time’s struggle is for independence. This result was that he was arrested and taken the prisoner to West Pakistan. The Pakistani occupation forces fell upon the sleeping Bengalese on the night of 25 marches, 1971 and started committing genocide barbarously. In this way, the whole nation got plunged into a darkness of serious uncertainty. Then ziaur rahman, an army officer came forward and declared independence of Bangladesh on behalf of sheikh mujebur rahman from kalurghat radio center. People from all walks of life joined the liberation war and fought guerrilla fight with the Pakistani occupation forces. M.A.G Osmani was made the chief commander of liberation forces. The whole country was divided into eleven war sectors under eleven army officers to conduct the war. The liberation forces comprised former E.P.R members, army personnel’s, policies and freedom fighters. India provided galleria training and other support to the freedom fighters. The war ultimately turned into a bloodily one and continued for long nine months.

Ultimate victory: there goes a well-known proverb, ‘god helps those who help themselves.’ Independence does never come down to any people. A people must raise themselves to it. It is a fruit that must be earned before it can be enjoyed. Our people also duly rose to the occasion and god helped them as he is committed to doing. Our liberation forces got more furious and fought more valiantly and made the occupation forces corner in all sectors from all sides. There was only one slogan in the lip of every freedom fighter. ‘We are in we are in war just to defend only one flower’ again, there was another popular slogan in everybody’s lip. ‘Your address and my address are the addresses of the Padma, the Meghna and the jauna’ at last came down our long expected victory at cost of the lives of more than 30 lacks people. The Pakistani occupation forces surrendered to the allied forces at the racecourse ground on 16 December 1971. Thus a new and free nation was born on the world map. The people were wild with joy and excitement and danced in the streets. The sky and the air were ringing with the patriotic song of Tagore,

“My Bengal of gold, I love you.”

The significance of winning victory: the significance of the victory in the war of liberation is too much to be described in words. Our victory is a landmark event in our national history. This victory has disproved the saying, ‘might is right’ and has proved the saying, ‘justice triumphs in the long run’. The victory reminds us of the heroic sacrifices made by our heroic sons for the noble cause of freedom. It also inspires us to make their dream of building up our beloved motherland as Bengal of gold. We feel a great pride that our sons went to the battle of their own accord and were staunch to the end against odds uncounted. The world people were struck with wonder at the undaunted bravery and boldness of the freedom fighters. Thus the freedom fighters have conquered death by dying for a noble cause and left behind them an undying glory of dedication on the sands of time. They will remain ever fresh in the innermost hearts of the people like the luminous stars studded in the sky. Let me quote the words of the poet,

“There is music in the midst of desolation, And a glory that shines upon our tears.”

Implications of winning victory: sheikh mujibur rahman, our great leader, made an ever-memorizing remark about the implication of the war of liberation, ‘the great spirit of our liberation war is our feelings that are vibrating our heart and soul and declaring us Bengalese’ mask hardens, a British journalist, in his famous war-book. ‘Bangladesh: a legacy of blood’, says ‘the holy spirit of the liberation war could lead the bangles to reach the highest pinnacle of success.’ We shall ever remember the martyrs of the war of liberation with great gratitude,

“We shall never forget those Who achieved independence For a sea of blood.”

Conclusion: we all pray to Almighty Allah to have blessed us with giving the greatest achievement of our life which is independence. Let us take an oath to build up our shattered bangle as a Bengal of gold.

‘We have got back our days Through shedding a gulf of blood, This time we will build up Our bangle as a Bengal of gold’.

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