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Essay: Rousseau, the General Will, and the Tragedy of the Commons
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Rousseau and the Common Will
Making some sense of Rousseau:
Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) was born in Geneva. His mother died in childbirth. He was an engraver’s apprentice when he migrated to Paris. There he met Madame De Warrens, who became his lover and who converted him to Roman Catholicism . His lifelong mistress bore him five children all of whom ended up in an orphanage. Ironic considering he wrote the book “Emile,” a guide to raising and educating young children. He obviously neglected the opportunity to put theory into practice. Nevertheless, Rousseau’s ideas are profound. His writings directly influenced the leaders of the French and American Revolutions . Later, through his extensive influence on Karl Marx , Rousseau indirectly affected the twentieth century socialist revolutions in Russia, China, Vietnam etc…
” MAN is born free; and everywhere he is in chains…” Thus begins Rousseau’s political masterpiece, “On The Social Contract .” Who would not want to shake off the chains and be free? The question is, what kind of freedom is Rousseau talking about, and what are these chains he refers to?
Rousseau talks about two kinds of freedom, the freedom to act and the freedom to enjoy the fruits of action, both of which serve the goal of the preservation of life. The freedom to act is called “free will”; it differentiates men from animals and is directed by one’s desires.
In the state of nature, the “free will” of men allows them to find creative sources of subsistence as the environment changes, and each is free to enjoy the fruits of his labor because he has labored independently. Aside from the realities of everyday survival, his unfettered life is a fairly happy one. This is Rousseau’s myth of the noble savage.
In civil society , however, men must labor together and share their products. Compounding the problem, when men come to work together they begin to see differences between each other and these differences contribute to the formation of leaders and followers. With experience, one learns that those who lead obtain more plentiful shares of goods; so, driven by desires for pleasure, many will seek to become leaders, either by force or subterfuge. Under these new conditions, “free will” leads men to covet the fruits of anothers’ labor. The lack of protection of one’s freedom to enjoy his own creations puts the life of every member of the society at risk, and hence, in the civil society, “free will” has contributed negatively to man’s ultimate goal of the preservation of life.
Rousseau frequently states that preservation of life is the most fundamental goal of man’s actions. He writes,
“Man’s first sentiment was that of his existence, his first care is that for his preservation.” (Discourses, p161)
Rousseau seems to have calculated that the best bet for accomplishing preservation lay in the ability of the general will of the community to shackle the free will of individuals when in the public’s interest.
The “chain” Rousseau refers to in the famous opening line, therefore, is in fact “free will”, which was beneficial for the preservation of life in the state of nature, but detrimental to this goal in the civil society. Hence, for the civil society to achieve its end of preserving life, each individual must agree to forfeit “free will” whenever it comes into conflict with the general will of society. The goal of this is to protect everyone’s property from the desires of others– free riders, thieves and con-men for example. The general will shall be embodied in the social contract, a constitution for example.
The social contract and the civil rights it gives us are neither “natural” nor permanently fixed. Rather, the contract itself is the means towards an end — the benefit of all is only legitimate to the extent that it meets the general interest. Therefore, when failings are found in the contract, we renegotiate to change the terms, using methods such as elections and legislature; John Locke theorized the right of rebellion in case of the contract leading to tyranny. Locke’s use of rebellion was a primary influence on our founders when promoting the necessity of an American Revolution.
Rousseau asks, how do we find a way to get people to live together in groups? How to live together in a harmonious society and yet be as happy as when we were in the state of nature? He suggests that the group must act uniformly, because only through the collective efforts of all could anyone obtain the necessities of life. Accordingly, the decisions of the group must be made by all its members rather than a particular man or group of men. My sense of this is that he has a jury model in mind, whereby all members are forced to hear the evidence, weigh it reasonably and reach a consensus decision. If members are not aligned at the start it is just a matter of extending the debate until the group is swayed in one direction completely*. In this atmosphere, individual will becomes merely a slowly decaying relic to be treasured. Rousseau writes,
“So long as several men together consider themselves to be a single body, they have but a single will, which is concerned with their common preservation and the general well-being. Then all the energies of the state are vigorous and simple; its maxims are clear and luminous; there are no entangled, contradictory interests; the common good is clearly apparent everywhere, demanding only good sense in order to be perceived.” (Social Contract, bk IV)
Ideally people will think of themselves as citizens first and individuals second. They will have no hesitation in obeying the laws of the general will. But people, being what they are, will not always obey the laws thus challenging the general will. Rousseau answers that if one should be tempted or inclined to act on the basis of their individual will in a way that is threatening, or harmful, to the general will, then they ought to be forced to obey its laws through punishment. The misuse of free will leaves the goal of preserving life and property unfulfilled. Therefore the offender “should be forced to be free.” (Social Contract, bk I)**
Granted, it will be impossible to change what people desire, but the goal is to build the civil society with laws such that individuals would not gain the power to take more than what their labor truly deserves. These laws, the social contract, must represent the general interest of the whole people. To have an effective civil society is to have one body with one voice, the unity and consensus of the civil society must be preserved for there to be laws that are truly just.
In the end, in the civil society built on the general will of its occupants, one will be as free as before in two ways: First, although the individual has restrictions on free will, there arises a new individual that identifies completely with the whole of the civil community. To say that this individual is free means that the will of the community is guaranteed. Through the will of the community, which treats all its elements equally, the people of the community gain the preservation of life, which was always the goal of free will. Second, the loss of individual free will is compensated by the preservation of the individual freedom to keep the products of one’s own labor, and this freedom is just as vital as free will was.
Rousseau thinks that this can only happen in a relatively small community. All must have shared values and experience. He mentions the island state of Corsica as being an ideal place for such an experiment.
* By setting the bar for creating laws so high, I fear Rousseau has left his populace at the mercy of the tyranny of the minority. When patience wears thin coercion of that minority becomes increasingly acceptable.
** To be a member of society is to accept responsibility for following its rules, along with the threat of punishment for violating them. Most of us are comfortable with laws punishing behavior that harms people because we are concerned about others harming us and don’t plan on harming others. In this way, society works by “mutual coercion, mutually agreed upon.” However, the philosopher Michel Foucault argued that this is a repressive conception that can easily be turned against the people by unscrupulous masters, declaring that in it we are all “potential criminals”. Indeed, Foucault criticized the standard concept of “criminal” and pointed out the possible interpretations of the relationship between crime, class struggle and insanity — thus, in a world turned upside down, “we are all virtual criminals”.
We learned when Rousseau’s theory was attempted in practice, after the French Revolution for example, that there is a tendency to fear, search for and punish the bad apples who commit non-conformist acts. We observed accelerating levels of paranoia that proved to be the harbinger of totalitarianism, as evidenced by “the terror” during the French Revolution.
Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality
On The Social Contract
Democracy is a commons, not a market.” A commons is an unregulated public resource—in the classic example, in Garrett Hardin’s essay “The Tragedy of the Commons” (1968), it is literally a commons, a public pasture on which anyone may graze his cattle. It is in the interest of each herdsman to graze as many of his own cattle as he can, since the resource is free, but too many cattle will result in overgrazing and the destruction of the pasture. So the pursuit of individual self-interest leads to a loss for everyone
Related Articles
- Ideological Archeology: Rousseau (II) (politeia-station.net)
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The Social Contract
Jean-jacques rousseau, general will quotes in the social contract.
Hence, in order that the social pact shall not be an empty formula, it is tacitly implied in that commitment—which alone can give force to all others—that whoever refuses to obey the general will shall be constrained to do so by the whole body, which means nothing other than that he shall be forced to be free; for this is the necessary condition which, by giving each citizen to the nation, secures him against all personal dependence, it is the condition which shapes both the design and the working of the political machine, and which alone bestows justice on civil contracts—without it, such contracts would be absurd, tyrannical and liable to the grossest abuse.
Suppose we draw up a balance sheet, so that the losses and gains may be readily compared. What man loses by the social contract is his natural liberty and the absolute right to anything that tempts him and that he can take; what he gains by the social contract is civil liberty and the legal right of property in what he possesses. If we are to avoid mistakes in weighing the one side against the other, we must clearly distinguish between natural liberty, which has no limit but the physical power of the individual concerned, and civil liberty, which is limited by the general will; and we must distinguish also between possession , which is based only on force or “the right of the first occupant,” and property , which must rest on a legal title. We might also add that man acquires with civil society, moral freedom, which alone makes man the master of himself; for to be governed by appetite alone is slavery, while obedience to a law one prescribes to oneself is freedom. However, I have already said more than enough on this subject, and the philosophical meaning of the word “freedom” is no part of my subject here.
I have already said that the general will cannot relate to any particular object. For such a particular object is either within the state or outside the state. If it is outside, then a will which is alien to it is not general with regard to it: if the object is within the state, it forms a part of the state. Thus there comes into being a relationship between the whole and the part which involves two separate entities, the part being one, and the whole, less that particular part, being the other. But a whole less a particular part is no longer a whole; and so as long as this relationship exists there is no whole but only two unequal parts, from which it follows that the will of the one is no longer general with respect to the other.
We can no longer ask who is to make laws, because laws are acts of the general will; no longer ask if the prince is above the law, because he is a part of the state; no longer ask if the law can be unjust, because no one is unjust to himself; and no longer ask how we can be both free and subject to laws, for the laws are but registers of what we ourselves desire.
The public force thus needs its own agent to call it together and put it into action in accordance with the instructions of the general will, to serve also as a means of communication between the state and the sovereign, and in a sense to do for the public person what is done for the individual by the union of soul and body. This is the reason why the state needs a government, something often unhappily confused with the sovereign, but of which it is really only the minister. What, then, is the government? An intermediary body established between the subjects and the sovereign for their mutual communication, a body charged with the execution of the laws and the maintenance of freedom, both civil and political.
The sovereign, having no other force than the legislative power, acts only through the laws, and since the laws are nothing other than authentic acts of the general will, the sovereign can act only when the people is assembled.
The better the state is constituted, the more does public business take precedence over private in the minds of the citizens. There is indeed much less private business, because the sum of the public happiness furnishes a larger proportion of each individual’s happiness, so there remains less for him to seek on his own. In a well-regulated nation, every man hastens to the assemblies; under a bad government, no one wants to take a step to go to them, because no one feels the least interest in what is done there, since it is predictable that the general will will not be dominant, and, in short, because domestic concerns absorb all the individual’s attention. Good laws lead men to make better ones; bad laws lead to worse. As soon as someone says of the business of the state—“What does it matter to me?”—then the state must be reckoned lost.
In the end, when the state, on the brink of ruin, can maintain itself only in an empty and illusory form, when the social bond is broken in every heart, when the meanest interest impudently flaunts the sacred name of the public good, then the general will is silenced: everyone, animated by secret motives, ceases to speak as a citizen any more than as if the state had never existed; and the people enacts in the guise of laws iniquitous decrees which have private interests as their only end. Does it follow from this that the general will is annihilated or corrupted? No, that is always unchanging, incorruptible and pure, but it is subordinated to other wills which prevail over it. Each man, in detaching his interest from the common interest, sees clearly that he cannot separate it entirely, but his share of the public evil seems to him to be nothing compared to the exclusive good he seeks to make his own.
General Will Term Timeline in The Social Contract
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