critical victimology essay

Victimology

Table of Contents

Last Updated on August 20, 2021 by Karl Thompson

Patterns of Victimisation

The (Telephone) Crime Survey of England and Wales

The largest Victim Survey in England and Wales is the (Telephone) Crime Survey of England and Wales. The survey used to be face to face but has been conducted by phone since the outbreak of Covid-19, and samples about 38 000 Households a year.

TCSEW crime shows a year-on-year fall in the number of victims of crime for the last 20 years, except for Cyber Crime and Fraud. If we include the later two types of crime (which have only been recorded by the survey for a few years, then the overall crime rate has been increasing for the last few years.

The risk of being a victim of crime varies by social groups and by type of crime. Below is a summary,

For a more detailed look at how patterns of victimisation vary by class, gender, age and ethnicity please see this post – Who Are the Victims of Crime?

Sociological Perspectives applied to Victimology

The remainder of this post simplifies approaches to this topic by distinguishing between Positivist and Critical Victimology….

Positivist Victimology

Evaluations of Positivist Victimology

Critical Victimology

Critical victimology is based on conflict theories such as Marxism and Feminism. From a critical point of view the powerless are most likely to be victimised and yet the least likely to have this acknowledged by the state (this is known as the ‘hierarchy of victimisation’ ).

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14. Victimology

14.2 Theories of Victimisation

Dr. Jordana K. Norgaard and Dr. Benjamin Roebuck

One of the central concerns of victimology was identified by Quinney (1972), when he famously asked, “Who is the victim?” Quinney argued that “the victim” is a socially constructed phenomenon meaning that for someone to be recognised as a victim, there needs to be some agreement within society. This means that power dynamics within society will influence collective understandings of victimisation, allowing some people to be more easily recognised as “victims” when they are harmed (Holstein & Miller, 1990; McGarry & Walklate, 2015). Christie (1986) developed a typology of the “ideal victim,” suggesting categories of people who are most likely to receive “the complete and legitimate status of being a victim” when they are harmed (p.18). Christie (1986) suggests this is most likely to happen when the victim is perceived as weak, engaged in a respectable activity, not seen as responsible for contributing to their victimisation, and the offender is big and bad and unknown to the victim. The opposite is also true; when people’s experiences of victimisation do not align with these characteristics, they may not be recognized as legitimate victims. For example, Scott (2021) argues that single offences that occur in public spaces with strangers tend to receive harsher penalties from the criminal justice system than offences that occur in private, even when these are repeat offences by a person in a position of trust.  This can lead to an erosion of trust in the criminal justice system and subsequently, reluctance to report future victimisation.

Early Theories of Victimology

There are early references to victims of crime in ancient texts like the Code of Hammurabi (Hammurabi & Harper, 1904), or religious scriptures, where one of the earliest recorded events includes an account of Cain murdering his brother Abel ( English Standard Bible , 2001: Gen 4:1-16). And yet, despite historical texts and diverse legal systems and approaches to justice across cultures, the contemporary discipline of victimology is commonly described as beginning around the time of World War II (Godfrey, 2018; Wemmers 2017). One of the first known scientific studies of victims of crime was a doctoral dissertation by Nagel (1949), a Dutch scholar whose work was interrupted by WWII and published afterwards (Kirchhoff, 2010). In 1948, Hans von Hentig published his book The Criminal and His Victim: Studies in the Sociobiology of Crime where he explored the characteristics of victims that might make them more prone to victimisation. Von Hentig (1948) introduced the duet frame of crime, arguing that both the victim and offender shared a degree of responsibility for crime. However, the most notable scholarship at the time was from Benjamin Mendelson who first introduced the term “victimology” at a lecture for the Rumanian Psychiatric Society in 1947, followed by an influential article in 1956 calling for the creation of a discipline of victimology that would be independent of criminology, and would bring needed attention to victims of crime. For this contribution, Mendelsohn is often called the “father of victimology” (Scott, 2016; Wemmers, 2017). Mendelsohn’s (1956) early work also explored relationships between victims and perpetrators, focusing on how responsible victims were for what happened to them.

In the following section, we will examine some common theories and perspectives used to explain why victimisation occurs such as victim precipitation theory and routine activity theory.  We also discuss critical victimology.

Victim Precipitation Theory

Victim precipitation, also known as victim facilitation, refers to situations where the victim was the initial aggressor in the action that led to their harm or loss. The theory was first coined by Marvin Wolfgang, in his 1957 study of homicide. Wolfgang (1957) examined 588 homicides that occurred in Philadelphia between 1948 and 1952 and found that in a quarter of his sample (26%), the victim was the first to engage in physical violence, or in other words, the victim was the initial aggressor. A major criticism of this theory is the assumption that the victim and the offender enter into an interaction as equals, dismissing any power imbalances and/or dynamics at hand (Scott, 2016).   Research like Wolfgang’s (1958) has given rise to the phenomenon of victim blaming.  Victim blaming occurs when the victim of a crime is held responsible, in whole or in part, for their own victimisation (Canadian Resource Centre for Victims of Crime [CRCVC], 2009a). Blame stems from a belief that there are specific actions people can take to avoid being harmed. When such actions are not followed, others are not likely to sympathise with the victim as they see the crime as avoidable had the victim chosen to take the appropriate measures to avoid potential harm. Victim blaming can take the form of negative social responses from legal, medical, and mental health professionals as well as from the media, immediate family members and other acquaintances (CRCVC, 2009a).

You may ask yourself, why do people blame victims? Some research has suggested that blaming crime victims helps reassure the person assigning blame that they are safe; as long as they do not act as the victim did at the time of their victimisation, they will be unharmed (Fisher et al., 2016; Karmen, 2020). Another reason victims are blamed is attribution error. Attribution error occurs when individuals over-emphasize personal characteristics and devalue environmental characteristics when judging others, resulting in victim blaming (CRCVC, 2009a). People who make this error view the individual victim as partially responsible for what happened to them and ignore situational causes.  For example, if a victim was sexually assaulted by someone while attending a party, some individuals may blame the victim for being assaulted based on what they were wearing and/or for consuming alcohol at that time rather than taking into consideration the motivation of the offender. A recent Canadian court decision in a sexual assault case highlights victim blaming from within the criminal justice system.  The judge presiding over the case stated in his ruling that “people need to exercise extreme care when out drinking in public,” inferring that despite the victim being sexually assaulted by the offender, it was still the victim’s responsibility to take precautions while drinking in public to ensure they do not face potential harm (CBC, 2021, para 9). This type of statement can be extremely dangerous and unfair to victims of crime.  Both the Canadian Resource Centre for Victims of Crime and Ottawa Victim Services criticized the judge’s wording, stating that it is “unacceptable and perpetuates violence” (CBC, 2021, para 18). Victim blaming can have serious and negative effects on survivors, who have been deemed at fault even though they bear no responsibility for the crime(s) committed against them. Victim advocates argue that victim blaming undermines victim status while simultaneously excusing the offender for the crime (Petherick, 2017). Survivors who receive negative responses and blame tend to experience greater distress and are less likely to report future victimisation (CRCVC, 2009a).

Routine Activity Theory

Routine activity theory (see 16.4 Theoretical Approaches Within Environmental Criminology ) was first proposed by Lawrence Cohen and Marcus Felson in 1979. Cohen and Felson (1979) posited that the risk of criminal victimisation increases when there is the convergence of 1) the presence of a motivated offender, 2) an availability of suitable targets, and 3) a lack of capable guardianship (i.e. someone who could intervene to prevent the crime from being committed). Without any one of these three elements, the likelihood of a crime occurring decreases. This theory has met some criticism in the context of victimology as it assumes that a victim can lessen the offender’s motivation by being less of a suitable target (Scott, 2016). Furthermore, it assumes equality exists between all three parties: the victim, the offender, and the guardian, ignoring the different power imbalances at play (Scott, 2016).

Critical Victimology

Critical victimology combines the concept of the ideal victim with intersectionality in an effort to deconstruct victim blaming by calling attention to the ways race, gender, class, and other identities shape social constructions of victimisation (Spencer & Walklate, 2016). For example, critical victimologists would recognise that the violence against women movement has increased the resources available to female survivors of partner violence and sexual violence, but that women who are Indigenous, trans, or homeless may not have equal access to those resources and may be treated differently within victim services or the criminal justice system. Similarly, male survivors of partner violence or sexual violence have reported difficulties accessing services or being believed when they ask for help (Cohen, 2014; Roebuck et al., 2020a; Roebuck et al., 2020b).

A victim of crime is held responsible, in whole or in part, for their own victimization.

The over-emphasis of personal characteristics while devaluing environmental characteristics when judging others.

Introduction to Criminology Copyright © 2023 by Dr. Jordana K. Norgaard and Dr. Benjamin Roebuck is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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• > Revisiting the 'Ideal Victim'
• > Introduction

Book contents

• Frontmatter
• List of abbreviations
• Notes on contributors
• Acknowledgements
• Foreword: thinking beyond the ideal
• Introduction
• The Ideal Victim by Nils Christie
• Part I Exploring the ‘Ideal Victim’
• Part II Exploring the ‘Non-Ideal’ Victim

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 April 2022

Revisiting the ‘Ideal Victim’: Developments in Critical Victimology presents a collection of academic responses to the late Nils Christie's (1986) seminal chapter, in which he addressed the socially constructed concept of an idealised form of victim status or identity. In unpacking what it was to be a ‘victim’ in a given society, Christie highlighted the complex factors informing the application or rejection of such a status while illustrating the role of subjective/objective perspectives on personal/societal responses to victimisation. In sum, he outlined the existence of an ‘ideal victim’: ‘ a person or category of individuals, who – when hit by crime – most readily are given the complete and legitimate status of being a victim ’ (Christie 1986: 18, emphasis in original). It is his example of the little old lady who is hit on the head by a big, bad man who grabs her bag (and uses the money for liquor or drugs while she is on her way home in the middle of the day after having cared for her sick sister) that forms the basis for the first five of the six key attributes highlighted in the construction of the ‘ideal victim’ (Christie, 1986: 19):

(1) The victim is weak. Sick, old or very young people are particularly well suited as ideal victims. (2) The victim was carrying out a respectable project – caring for her sister [as per Christie's example]. (3) She was where she could not possibly be blamed for being – in the street during the daytime. (4) The offender was big and bad. (5) The offender was unknown and in no personal relationship to her.

This piece of writing and the concept Christie outlined within it has become a most frequently cited theme of victimological (and, where relevant, criminological) academic scholarship over the past 30 years. Recognising this, the proposed volume seeks to celebrate and commemorate Nils Christie's contribution to victimology by analysing, evaluating and critiquing the current nature and impact of victim identity, experience, policy and practice in light of this ‘ideal victim’ concept. Within this, it has been imperative to recognise that the decision regarding what is and is not a ‘crime’ often reflects political power and interests.

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• Edited by Marian Duggan , University of Kent
• Book: Revisiting the 'Ideal Victim'
• Online publication: 19 April 2022
• Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.46692/9781447339151.003

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Revisiting the ‘Ideal Victim’

Developments in critical victimology.

Nils Christie’s (1986) seminal work on the ‘Ideal Victim’ is reproduced in full in this edited collection of vibrant and provocative essays that respond to and update the concept from a range of thematic positions.

Each chapter celebrates and commemorates his work by analysing, evaluating and critiquing the current nature and impact of victim identity, experience, policy and practice. The collection expands the focus and remit of ‘victim studies’, addressing key themes around race, gender, faith, ability and age while encompassing new and diverse issues. Examples include sex workers as victims of hate crimes, victims’ experiences of online fraud, and recognising historic child sexual abuse victims in Ireland.

With contributions from an array of academics including Vicky Heap (Sheffield Hallam University), Hannah Mason-Bish (University of Sussex) and Pamela Davies (Northumbria University), as well as a Foreword by David Scott (The Open University), this book evaluates the contemporary relevance and applicability of Christie’s ‘Ideal Victim’ concept and creates an important platform for thinking differently about victimhood in the 21st century.

Dr Marian Duggan is a Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Kent’s School of Social Policy, Sociology and Social Research. Her research interests focus on informing policy and practice to reduce sexual, gendered and hate-based victimisation. She has published widely in these areas, using her engagement with the statutory and third sectors to inform her teaching and scholarly practice.

Author/Editor details at time of book publication.

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Critical Victimology

Last updated 7 Aug 2018

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Critical victimology relates the incidence of victimisation with social groups in society and seeks to point out how some social groups (such as women and the poor) are structurally more at risk of crime.

Positivist criminology concentrates on the actions and behaviour of the individual, but society is structured in such a way that some groups are more vulnerable than others. Homeless people living on the street, for instance, are much more likely to be victims of crime than the general population. While you can explain this in positivist terms ‐ sleeping on the street is putting oneself at enormous risk, it makes little sense to only consider this in terms of the individual's behaviour rather than considering the structural factors that put that individual in that situation in the first place.

In terms of the 2017 CSEW data, critical victimologists would suggest that, for instance, structural problems in society account for the high proportion of unemployed people and people in deprived areas being the victims of crime.

Evaluating Critical Victimology

Statistics suggest that men are more likely to be the victims of crime than women, though clearly there are certain types of crime where women are more likely to be the victims, such as sexual assault and domestic violence.

The very rich are structurally at risk of crime because they make an attractive target to those seeking to profit from crime, yet they are not of significant interest to most of those taking an interest in critical victimology. For example, in the CSEW data from 2017 a higher proportion of those with a household income over £50,000 had been victims of crime than those with a household income of under £10,000.

• Victimisation
• Crime Survey of England and Wales
• Crime and Deviance
• Critical Victimology

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Mass Violence and Christie's Ideal Victim: A Critical Analysis

2018, The Manchester Review of Law, Crime & Ethics.

This article is a theoretical examination of the applicability of Nils Christie’s criminological notion of the ‘ideal victim’ in cases of mass violence and scenarios of mass victimisation. The article documents Christie’s theoretical constellation and valid criticisms towards victim status and reviews modern academic discourses influenced by Christie’s original theorisation which further illustrate the intricacies and complexities that arise regarding victim identity. After analysing the ways under which structural forces, such as the mass-media and politics, influence the process of victimhood, the article continues by focusing on the intertwined relationship between victim identity and institutionalised mechanisms of victimisation. Furthermore, the article documents the ways under which Christie’s notion of the ‘ideal victim’ has been adapted in order to be incorporated in the criminological research of mass-violence. At last, by transitioning from instances of micro-level victimisation to theatres of mass-violence the article theoretically tests the applicability of ‘ideal victim’ theory in cases of extensive victimisation. The article concludes that the integration of concepts such as Christie’s ‘ideal victim’ is quintessential for a criminology of mass-violence which aspires to be both theoretically informed and practically engaged with the issue of victimisation.

Related Papers

Marian Duggan

In his influential 1986 paper, criminologist Nils Christie laid out the notion of the type of victim most likely to draw widespread public sympathy. This book presents a collection of essays which expand the focus and remit of victim studies, addressing key themes around race, gender, faith, ability, and age, while encompassing new and diverse issues. Examples include sex workers as victims of hate crimes, victims’ experiences of online fraud, and recognizing historic child sexual abuse victims in Ireland.

Emad Moussa

This exploratory paper builds on the notion that victimhood is socially constructed and, as a result, conceptually fluid. Its epistemic authority therefore should be questioned. The conceptual challenges to victimhood are explored through the lenses of three interconnected disciplines: philosophy, politics, and law. The philosophical outlook highlights the moral ambiguities in the definition and labelling of victims, presenting the notions of victim's character and victim agency as highly problematic. Agency gives the discussion a political dimension, and this leads to the examination of the so-called political victim. The paper identifies 'status givers' as the primary political force behind victim recognition, and, based on that, two factors are suggested as influential in the process of recognition: affiliation and negative affiliation. Next, because of the philosophical moral dilemmas regarding suffering and victimisation and due to the influence of politics over the legal system, the notion of legal neutrality and clear justice to victims is put under scrutiny. By exploring and challenging some of the common orthodoxies about victimhood, the paper does not seek to deliver final conclusions, but rather lay additional groundwork for future research.

Antony Pemberton

This article first discusses the key concepts of Nils Christie?s victimological-oriented work drawn from ?Conflicts as property? (1977) and ?The ideal victim? (1986). Using international criminal justice as an example, it demonstrates the enduring importance of Christie?s insights to victimology. Subsequently the paper offers a three-fold critique of Christie?s work. First, the stereotype of the ideal victim is confronted with the bodies of literature on the justice motive and the phenomenon of framing. Second, Christie?s views on the role of the state in ?Conflicts as Property? are discussed against the backdrop of libertarian and communitarian theories of political philosophy. Third, the notion that ?crime does not exist? is rebutted using a victimological perspective.

Chris Greer

This is a book about victims of crime, survivors of abuse, the consequences of social harm, the nature of victimhood and the extent and impact of victimisation. It is a book concerned with the study of victims and victimisation, and is written from a critical perspective that seeks to: challenge taken-for-granted assumptions about the study of victimology; question key concepts and approaches to thinking about victims and survivors; critique ways of understanding the nature and extent of victimisation; and provide an alternative reading of many conventional approaches to responding to victims' needs and experiences. It is a book that provides students of criminology, criminal justice and victimology with an all-encompassing, in-depth critical analysis of the relationship between victims, crime and society. We hope it will become essential reading for anyone interested in understanding the social, political, economic and cultural context of victims in society, historically, contemporaneously and globally. Throughout its chapters the book addresses a number of critical questions including: Who are the victims of crime? How did the study of victims emerge? What is the nature, extent and impact of victimisation? What are the core perspectives that shape victimological thinking? How do media constructions influence our understanding of crime victims and victimisation? What is the relationship between social relations, politics, globalisation, the economy and structure and agency in generating, exacerbating and/or obfuscating forms of victimisation? What are the factors that drive unequal experiences of victimisation across social groups, geographical locations, jurisdictions and historical periods? How can victimisation be managed, prevented and/or responded to? Having studied and taught victimology for many years, it is our contention that these questions not only animate students' curiosity, and thus their criminological imagination, they also underpin important societal questions about the precise nature of crime, victimisation, harm and injustice in contemporary society. The study of victims and victimisation has converged with the discipline of criminology for many decades now. It is our view that over the next few decades victimology will become more contested as it continues to challenge at the heart of the study of crime and its control. Victimology has the potential to shape debates that affect the future landscape of victimisation and the ability and willingness of the state and its agencies to provide for victims of crime. Moreover, it has the capacity to challenge criminology to transform itself into a progressive social democratic discipline willing and able to provide a social blueprint for understanding and intervention. In order to explore those questions detailed above, and to bring alive what is after all a fast-moving (and exciting) area of academic study, the book is structured around three key central organising themes.

International Review of Victimology

Jan van Dijk

In Western languages those affected by crime are universally labelled as ‘victims’, meaning the sacrificed ones. According to the author this practice seems to originate from the association of the plight of victims with the suffering of Jesus Christ. In his view, the victim label, although eliciting compassion for victims, assigns to them a social role of passivity and forgiveness that they may increasingly find to be restraining. He analyses the narratives of eleven high-profile victims such as Natascha Kampusch, the couple McCann and Reemtsma to illustrate this thesis. The article continues with a critical review of biases deriving from the unreflexive adoption of the victim label in various schools of thought in victimology and criminal law. Finally, the author argues for the introduction of stronger procedural rights for crime victims in criminal trials and for a new focus within victimology on processes of victim labelling.

European Journal of Cultural Studies

Lilie Chouliaraki

This special issue aims to identify the social and affective dynamics that circulate and attach to the ‘master’ signifier of victimhood in liberal public spheres. Drawing on cutting-edge work by leading scholars across theoretical traditions, the issue illuminates the ways in which victimhood emerges as a dominant communicative logic in three distinct but interrelated domains of liberal publicity: its histories, politics and aesthetics.

Northern Ireland Law Quarterly

ciaran mccullagh

This paper offers a critique of the dominant role that victim centered discourse has come to occupy in debates about crime and criminal justice in Ireland. It argues that such a discourse works with an unacceptably simplistic and reductive notion of the term ‘victim’, it can lead to reforms that result in revictimisation rather than victim empowerment and it distorts the experiences of many crime victims for whom victimisation is inconvenient rather than traumatic.

Benjamin S Roebuck , Lynn A Stewart

This chapter explores the experiences of victims and survivors of violence as the targets of aggression, highlighting their unique experiences navigating the criminal justice system, advocating for recognition, and trying to heal. At the same time, the chapter points out that victims and survivors are strong and capable of personal reflection, change, and even growth. Research shows that the process of resilience can facilitated by providing access to appropriate resources and support and minimizing insensitivity. Traditional models of retributive justice typically omit consideration of the victim. A victim-centered approach is an invitation to imagine justice through a more humane lens that starts with the people who have suffered injury, assesses their needs, listens to them, considers their views, involves them in pursuing justice, keeps them informed, offers opportunities for facilitated dialogue with their perpetrator if desired, and provides physical, emotional, financial and spiritual supports as needed, as long as needed. The victim-centred approach described in this chapter recognizes intersectionality and that each person responds differently to victimisation; the approach recognizes that some victims and survivors have more access to resources and supports because of their privilege and that those with less privilege may require more support.

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60 Victimology Topics & Examples

For your paper on crime prevention, penology, or violence in any form, take a look at our victimology research topics. Get a critical title from the collection prepared by our team .

🏆 Best Victimology Topics & Essay Examples

📌 interesting victimology research paper topics, ❓ victimology research questions.

• Victimology: Definition, Theory and History Victimology is a science that dedicates itself to the study of the connection between the victim and the offender. The police use victimology in order to discover a correlation between the victims and the offenders, […]
• Victimology and Domestic Violence In this situation there are many victims; Anne is a victim of domestic violence and the children are also victims of the same as well as the tragic death of their father.
• The Green Victimology: Saving Non-Human Victims Consequently, a multidisciplinary study of green victimology is required to create solutions to protect victims and mitigate the detrimental effects of environmental crime.
• Career in Victimology But criminal victimologists continue to investigate the problems of victim-offender interactions, individual characteristics of victims within and outside of the context of a committed crime, relation of victims to latent criminality, etc.
• Victimology and Victimization The concept of the sideshow freak is a term inextricably linked to the various circuses and carnivals in the U.S.during the mid 19th to mid 20th century.
• The Victimology Project by Ellisha Shelsta The case revealed victims of the crime, described the behavioral pattern of the offender and provided insights into the relationship between the perpetrator and the injured party.
• Comparing Positivist and Radical Victimology Perspective
• Contribution to Victimology and Marginalisation
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IvyPanda. (2024, March 1). 60 Victimology Topics & Examples. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/victimology-essay-topics/

"60 Victimology Topics & Examples." IvyPanda , 1 Mar. 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/topic/victimology-essay-topics/.

IvyPanda . (2024) '60 Victimology Topics & Examples'. 1 March.

IvyPanda . 2024. "60 Victimology Topics & Examples." March 1, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/victimology-essay-topics/.

1. IvyPanda . "60 Victimology Topics & Examples." March 1, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/victimology-essay-topics/.

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Revisiting the 'Ideal Victim'

Developments in critical victimology.

• Edited by: Marian Duggan
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• Language: English
• Publisher: Policy Press
• Copyright year: 2018
• Audience: College/higher education;
• Main content: 340
• Other: 1 Black and White
• Published: July 4, 2018
• ISBN: 9781447339151

Home — Essay Samples — Law, Crime & Punishment — Criminology — Victimology as Important Aspect to Criminology

Victimology as Important Aspect to Criminology

• Categories: Criminology

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Published: Aug 30, 2022

Words: 1504 | Pages: 3 | 8 min read

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Revisiting the “Ideal Victim”: Developments in Critical Victimology

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Revisiting the ‘Ideal Victim’ is a collection of academic responses to the late Nils Christie’s (1986) seminal piece on the ‘ideal victim’ in which he addressed the socially constructed concept of an idealised form of victim status or identity. Highlighting the complex factors informing the application or rejection of victim status, Christie foregrounded the role of subjective and objective perspectives on personal and societal responses to victimisation. In sum, the ‘ideal victim’ is: “ a person or category of individuals, who – when hit by crime – most readily are given the complete and legitimate status of being a victim ” (1986: 18, original italics). This concept has become one of the most frequently cited themes of victimological (and, where relevant, criminological) academic scholarship over the past thirty years. In commemoration of his contribution, this volume analyses, evaluates and critiques the current nature and impact of victim identity, experience, policy and practice in light of Christie’s framework. Demonstrating how the very notion of what constitutes a ‘victim’ has undergone significant theorisation, evaluation and reconceptualization in the intervening three decades, the academic contributors in this volume excellently showcase the relevance of this ‘ideal victim’ concept to a range of contemporary victimological issues. In sum, the chapters critically evaluate the salience of Christie’s concept in a modern context while demonstrating its influence over the decades..

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