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Essay on Fitness: Samples for Students in 100, 250, and 350 Words in English

essay about fitness motivation

  • Updated on  
  • Jan 22, 2024

Essay on Fitness

Fitness is a crucial part of our lives, and incorporating the same in our lifestyle is now more essential than ever. Maintaining proper fitness can help an individual attain a general state of well-being and hence remain healthy. This will allow us to perform everyday functions without feeling fatigued or tired.  It not only refers to weightlifting and exercising but also, to a balanced and disciplined diet. All this will lead to a healthy body and even a healthy mind resides in a healthy body. Seeing the importance of fitness, we have included information on the same topic in our below-mentioned samples of essay on fitness. Let’s go ahead and look at the same.

Table of Contents

  • 1 Essay on Fitness in 100 Words
  • 2 Essay on Fitness in 250 Words
  • 3 Essay on Fitness in 350 words

Also Read:- Essay on Athletics in 100, 200, 300 Words for Students

Essay on Fitness in 100 Words

Fitness is an extremely important aspect of our lives. It is essential to include fitness in our lifestyle and show discipline in the same because a healthy mind resides in a healthy body. Being fit can make an individual attain an extended life and live the same to the fullest. Also, being fit decreases the chance of diseases and hence improves overall health as well. 

Fitness is a state of mind as well. It doesn’t always mean heavy weight exercising but also maintaining a healthy and balanced diet. Diet is an important aspect of fitness and exercising and diet go hand in hand and both improve our fitness. Hence, fitness should be the priority of every individual for without it, we will be neglecting so much. 

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Essay on Fitness in 250 Words

In our everyday life, fitness plays a very important role. It should be every individual’s top priority as it allows us to lead a very happy as well as peaceful life. It is true what our elders say, ‘Health is true wealth’.

If an individual is unfit, it will become difficult for him/her to enjoy even the basic aspects of life such as playing sports, eating, etc. So, it becomes important that we remain fit and healthy. Good fitness doesn’t always mean heavy weight lifting, it also includes a balanced and disciplined diet, as well as maintaining good hygiene. We should maintain proper sanitation all around us and eat a balanced diet. A balanced diet does not mean that we cannot eat our favorite foods such as fried food, etc. It means that we have to maintain a proper balance between healthy and junk food giving priority to healthy food and occasionally eating our favourite fried food etc. 

Following fitness, we should incorporate exercising even if it is for 30 minutes. This will help make our heart muscles and our lungs stronger, improve blood flow, and decrease fat and bad cholesterol. These are just some of the goods that fitness provides us, there are innumerable benefits of the same. It is also essential for an individual to be successful and do good for the society. Hence, we should not ignore fitness, because if done so, we won’t be able to keep our minds strong and clear.

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Essay on Fitness in 350 words

Introduction

An individual’s top priority should be to remain fit. This will ensure their health. And one such way of that is by maintaining fitness. Health is a state of complete mental, physical as well as social well-being. A fit individual can accomplish much more in life. They are immune to many diseases, don’t feel fatigued in day-to-day functions, and have a positive mindset to strive in life for good. 

Maintaining fitness

There are several ways in which we can maintain our fitness if followed regularly. Some of those ways are mentioned below:-

  • Fitness doesn’t always mean lifting heavy weights, a balanced and disciplined diet also holds an important role in the same. Eating the right amount of food rich in proteins, and good fats such as omega-3, vitamins and minerals, etc is essential. 
  • Maintaining a proper sleeping pattern is another important aspect of fitness. Getting enough sleep ensures proper functioning of the mind thus making us more productive. Eight hours of quality sleep can boost our immune system, lower the risk of cardiovascular diseases, and improve our overall health. 
  • Including exercise in our lifestyle is a must even if it is for just 30 minutes. It will help strengthen our hearts and lungs, improve blood flow in our blood vessels, help decrease blood pressure, fat and bad cholesterol, etc.

Importance of Fitness

The importance of fitness to maintain good health cannot be emphasized enough. An individual can even extend his/her lifespan just by maintaining fitness, not to forget it reduces the risk of several diseases and ailments. There are several advantages of being fit. Some of them are mentioned below:-

  • Improves mental health and confidence level.
  • Decreases the risk of several diseases such as diabetes, cancer, osteoporosis, stroke, high blood pressure, etc.
  • It also helps in managing and reducing levels of stress, anxiety, depression, etc.
  • It can even extend an individual’s life span.

Conclusion 

Fitness should be a priority for people belonging to every age group. It brings happiness to life and improves the quality of the same, hence making it stress and disease-free.

Ans: Fitness is an extremely important aspect of our lives. It is essential to include fitness in our lifestyle and show discipline in the same because a healthy mind resides in a healthy body. Being fit can make an individual attain an extended life and live the same to the fullest. Also, being fit decreases the chance of diseases and hence improves overall health as well.  Fitness is a state of mind as well. It doesn’t always mean heavy weight exercising but also maintaining a healthy and balanced diet. Diet is an important aspect of fitness and exercising and diet go hand in hand and both improve our fitness. Hence, fitness should be the priority of every individual for without it, we will be neglecting so much.

Ans: The importance of fitness to maintain good health cannot be emphasized enough. An individual can even extend his/her lifespan just by maintaining fitness, not to forget it reduces the risk of several diseases and ailments. There are several advantages of being fit. Some of them are mentioned below:- -Improves mental health and confidence level. -Decreases the risk of several diseases such as diabetes, cancer, osteoporosis, stroke, high blood pressure, etc. -It also helps in managing and reducing levels of stress, anxiety, depression, etc. -It can even extend an individual’s life span.

Ans: There are many ways in which we can maintain our fitness if follow regularly. Some of those ways are mentioned below:- -Fitness doesn’t always mean lifting heavy weights, a balanced and disciplined diet also holds an important role in the same. Eating the right amount of food rich in proteins, and good fats such as omega-3, vitamins and minerals, etc is essential.  -Maintaining a proper sleeping pattern is another important aspect of fitness. Getting enough sleep ensures proper functioning of the mind thus making us more productive. Eight hours of quality sleep can boost our immune system, lower the risk of cardiovascular diseases, and improve our overall health. -Including exercise in our lifestyle is a must even if it is for just 30 minutes. It will help strengthen our hearts and lungs, improve blood flow in our blood vessels, help decrease blood pressure, fat and bad cholesterol, etc.

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Health and Fitness Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on health and fitness.

We have always heard the word ‘health’ and ‘fitness’. We use it ourselves when we say phrases like ‘health is wealth’ and ‘fitness is the key’. What does the word health really mean? It implies the idea of ‘being well’. We call a person healthy and fit when he/she function well physically as well as mentally.

Health And Fitness Essay

Factors Affecting our Health and Fitness

Good health and fitness is not something which one can achieve entirely on our own. It depends on their physical environment and the quality of food intake. We live in villages, towns, and cities.

In such places, even our physical environment affects our health. Therefore, our social responsibility of pollution-free environment directly affects our health. Our day-to-day habits also determine our fitness level. The quality of food, air, water all helps in building our fitness level.

Role of Nutritious Diet on our Health and Fitness

The first thing about where fitness starts is food. We should take nutritious food. Food rich in protein, vitamins, minerals, and carbohydrates is very essential. Protein is necessary for body growth. Carbohydrates provide the required energy in performing various tasks. Vitamin and minerals help in building bones and boosting our immune system.

However, taking food in uneven quantity is not good for the body. Taking essential nutrients in adequate amount is called a balanced diet. Taking a balanced diet keep body and mind strong and healthy. Good food helps in better sleep, proper brain functioning and healthy body weight.

Include vegetables, fruits, and pulses in daily diet. One must have a three-course meal. Having roughage helps in cleaning inner body organs. Healthy food habit prevents various diseases. Reducing the amount of fat in the diet prevents cholesterol and heart diseases.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Impact of Exercise on our Health

Routine exercise helps improve our muscle power. Exercise helps in good oxygen supply and blood flow throughout the body. Heart and lungs work efficiently. Our bones get strong and joints have the pain free movement.

We should daily spend at least twenty minutes in our exercise. Daily morning walk improves our fitness level. We should avoid strenuous Gym activities. Exercise burns our fat and controls the cholesterol level in the body. Various outdoor games like cricket, football, volleyball, etc keeps our body fit. Regular exercise maintains our body shape.

Meditation, Yoga, and Health

Meditation and yoga are part of our life from ancient time. They not only make us physically fit but mentally strong as well. Meditation improves our concentration level. Our mind gets relaxed and thinking becomes positive.

A healthy mind is key for a healthy body. Yoga makes us stressfree and improves the endurance power of the mind. Yoga controls our blood pressure. With yoga, a strong bond with nature is established. Meditation is considered the best way to fight depression.

A person stays happier when he/she is fit and healthy. A fit and healthy person is less prone to chronic diseases. The healthy mind reacts better in a pressure situation. The self-confidence of a person is increased. Risk of heart failure is reduced drastically. With the increased immunity power body could fight cancerous cells. The intensity of the fracture is decreased with regular exercise.

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Essay on Health and Fitness

Students are often asked to write an essay on Health and Fitness in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Health and Fitness

Introduction.

Health and fitness are vital for a happy life. They are like two sides of the same coin. If we are healthy, we can enjoy our life. Fitness, on the other hand, helps us stay active.

Importance of Health

Good health helps us perform our tasks with ease. A healthy person can study well, play, and do their chores efficiently. However, poor health can hinder these activities.

Role of Fitness

Fitness is about being physically active. Regular exercise strengthens our muscles, improves heart health, and boosts our mood. It can also prevent various diseases.

In conclusion, health and fitness are essential for a fulfilling life. We must strive to maintain them for our well-being.

250 Words Essay on Health and Fitness

Introduction to health and fitness.

Health and fitness are two interrelated concepts that significantly influence our overall well-being. Health, a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being, is not merely the absence of disease. Fitness, on the other hand, is the ability to perform daily tasks efficiently without undue fatigue.

The Importance of Health and Fitness

In the modern world, the importance of health and fitness cannot be understated. Sedentary lifestyles, unhealthy diets, and increasing stress levels have led to a rise in lifestyle diseases. Regular exercise and a balanced diet are vital to maintaining good health and high fitness levels, which can ward off these diseases.

The Interplay between Health and Fitness

Health and fitness are intricately linked. Good health allows for increased fitness levels, and high fitness levels, in turn, contribute to better health. For instance, regular exercise can help control weight, combat health conditions, and boost mood and energy.

Role of Discipline in Health and Fitness

Discipline plays a crucial role in maintaining health and fitness. Regular workout routines, balanced diets, adequate sleep, and stress management techniques are all part of a disciplined lifestyle that promotes health and fitness.

In conclusion, health and fitness are essential for a happy and productive life. They are not just about physical well-being, but also about mental and social well-being. Achieving health and fitness requires discipline, effort, and a commitment to making long-term lifestyle changes.

500 Words Essay on Health and Fitness

The interplay of health and fitness.

Health, as defined by the World Health Organization, is not merely the absence of disease or infirmity, but also the complete state of physical, mental, and social well-being. Fitness, on the other hand, is a state where you are not just physically healthy, but also have the endurance, flexibility, and strength to meet the demands of daily life.

It’s crucial to understand that health and fitness are interdependent. A high level of fitness often equates to a robust immune system, lower risk of chronic diseases, and improved mental health. Conversely, poor health can make it challenging to maintain an adequate fitness level.

The Role of Lifestyle in Health and Fitness

A balanced diet is another essential aspect of maintaining health and fitness. It provides the necessary nutrients required for the body to function optimally, contributes to a healthy weight, and reduces the risk of chronic diseases.

Challenges and Solutions

In conclusion, health and fitness are crucial elements in our lives that directly influence our quality of life. They are interconnected, with each influencing and supporting the other. By adopting a healthy lifestyle that includes regular physical activity and a balanced diet, we can improve our health and fitness levels. Despite the challenges, with the right strategies and mindset, we can overcome these barriers and pave the way for a healthier and fitter life.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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Article contents

Motivation in sport and performance.

  • Glyn C. Roberts , Glyn C. Roberts Department of Coaching and Psychology, Norwegian School of Sport Science
  • Christina G. L. Nerstad Christina G. L. Nerstad Department of Public Administration and Leadership, Oslo Metropolitan University
  • , and  P. Nicolas Lemyre P. Nicolas Lemyre Department of Coaching and Psychology, Norwegian School of Sport Science
  • https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.150
  • Published online: 30 July 2018

Motivation is the largest single topic in psychology, with at least 32 theories that attempt to explain why people are or are not motivated to achieve. Within sport psychology research, there are a plethora of techniques of how to increase and sustain motivation (strategies to enhance agency beliefs, self-regulation, goal setting, and others). However, when explaining the conceptual undergirding of motivation in sport, the why of motivation, two theories predominate: Achievement Goal Theory (AGT) and Self-Determination Theory (SDT). Both theories predict the same outcomes, such as increased achievement striving, sustained behavior change, and perceptions of well-being, but they differ in why those outcomes occur. AGT assumes that individuals cognitively evaluate the competence demands and meaningfulness of the activity, and that those perceptions govern behavior. SDT assumes that individuals are driven by three basic needs, competence, autonomy, and relatedness, and the satisfaction of those needs govern behavior. The following discusses both theories and concludes that each has their strengths and weaknesses.

  • achievement orientations
  • basic needs
  • motivational climate
  • behavior change
  • Achievement Goal Theory
  • Self-Determination Theory

Introduction

We can never have equality of achievement, but we can have equality of motivation : That was the mission of John Nicholls ( 1979 ). His goal was “equality of optimal motivation” (p. 1071) so that everyone should achieve the best that is possible for him or her to fulfill their potential. This enshrines the conceptual basis of enhancing motivation for sustained behavior change evident in the extant literature. For optimal motivation, it is argued that strategies need to be developed where individuals adopt and sustain achievement striving. Whether it is business leaders trying to motivate people in the workplace, the health industry trying to halt the rise in childhood obesity and sedentary lifestyles, parents and teachers bemoaning the study habits of children and adolescents, or coaches and administrators within the sport and performance communities wondering how to get better “results,” all are concerned with the issue of sustained motivated behavior.

How do we develop motivation for sustained striving? If we take our cues from everyday life, then it may be associated with arousal, such as the “motivational” tirades of coaches in the locker room. Former players of Manchester United Football Club have often remarked about the halftime locker room “hairdryer treatment” talks of the legendary coach of Manchester United Sir Alex Ferguson. Some believe it is a measure of confidence, a winning attitude that motivates one to better performance. Some believe it is a simple matter of positive thinking: Believe and you will achieve! Some believe it is a personal entity or is genetically endowed; you either “have it, or not”! However, these beliefs do not begin to capture the complexity and richness of contemporary motivational theory and research.

The term motivation is a very overused and vague term, especially in the “trenches”—the classroom, the gymnasium, the exercise room, the playing fields, the sport arenas, the workplace, etc. (e.g., Ford, 1992 ; Roberts, 2012 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Conroy, 2007 ). We have former successful sports stars, politicians, businesspeople who earn “big bucks” on the lecture circuit giving what are termed “motivational talks”! We have sports commentators and business correspondents who argue that the successful are more motivated to achieve than the unsuccessful. But their definitions and understanding of what motivation is differs. Even among motivation researchers, motivation is defined broadly by some, and narrowly by others, so that the term is useless as an organizing construct. Ford ( 1992 ) has argued that there are at least 32 theories of motivation that have their own definitions and explanations of the construct. In contemporary motivation research, because the term is so vague, the solution has been to abandon the term and use descriptions of cognitive processes such as self-regulation or other self-systems that affect motivational processes. However, the important assumption agreed to by most contemporary theorists is that motivation is not an entity but is a process (e.g., Maehr & Braskamp, 1986 ). Typically, motivation is the process that influences the initiation, direction, magnitude, perseverance, continuation, and quality of goal-directed behavior (Maehr & Zusho, 2009 ). To understand motivation, we must attempt to understand the process of motivation and the constructs that drive the process and how they apply to sustained behavior change.

The history of motivation theory has been the search for the overarching theory, and, as such, it was assumed that when that theory evolved, a whole range of achievement behaviors would not only be better understood, but intervention opportunities would also present themselves (Roberts, 1992 , 2012 ). Despite the efforts of many, and the arguments of some (e.g., Bandura, 1986 ), this overarching theory remains elusive and certainly not within our grasp yet. One of the reasons is that there is not universal agreement on how the psyche works to foster motivation. However, the search continues. There is excellent work in both sport and other achievement arenas that are ongoing in search of theoretical concepts and processes to understand and enhance achievement behaviors.

The study of motivation and its effect on achievement behavior is the investigation of the energization, direction, and regulation of behavior. Thus, while some avenues of research that describe the direction and/or the regulation of behavior without specifying why the behavior is energized are not “true” motivational theories, even though they may describe achievement behavior very well. Goal setting is such a case in sport and performance (e.g., Locke & Latham, 1985 ). Goal setting specifies the direction and regulation of achievement behavior, but to date there is no sufficient psychological explanation to explain why behavior from a goal-setting perspective is initiated (Hall & Kerr, 2001 ). Motivation theories are predicated upon a set of assumptions about individuals and about the factors that give impetus to achievement behavior (Roberts, 1992 ). Motivation theories ask why .

Typically, in the research literature pertaining to motivation in sport and performance, motivation theories refer to needs, dispositions, social variables, and/or cognitions that come into play when a person undertakes a task at which he or she is evaluated, enters into competition with others, or attempts to attain some standard of excellence. At such times, the individual is assumed to be responsible for the outcome of the task and that some level of challenge is inherent in the task. Moreover, such circumstances are assumed to facilitate various needs, motivational dispositions, and/or cognitive assessments that affect achievement striving. Specifically, it has been hypothesized that the energizing constructs of achievement behavior are basic needs, approach and/or avoidance dispositions, expectancies, incentive values of success and failure, and/or cognitive assessments of what it takes to achieve success and/or avoid failure.

Understanding the Process of Motivation

Motivation theories are on a continuum ranging from deterministic to mechanistic to organismic to cognitive (for a more extensive treatment of motivation theories, see Ford, 1992 ). Deterministic and mechanistic theories view humans as being passive, at least partially, and driven by psychological needs and/or drives. Organismic theories include innate needs but also recognize that a dialectic occurs between the organism and the social context. Social cognitive theories view humans as being active and initiating action through subjective interpretation of the achievement context. When motivation matters, theoretical models governing motivation and achievement behavior abound. There is no shortage of theories! However, since the late 1970s, theories that encompass social cognitive dynamics have dominated the research literature.

Weiner ( 1972 ) signaled the beginning of the cognitive revolution by arguing that individuals who were high or low in motivation were likely to think differently about why success and failure occurred. The notion that thoughts, rather than needs or drives, were the critical variables transformed the study of motivation. As Harwood, Spray, and Keegan ( 2008 ) stated, the development of social cognitive theories has been a watershed for our understanding of sport achievement behavior. Harwood and colleagues continue to state that achievement goal theory, in particular, has “triggered a penetrating wave of research into the interpersonal and environmental influences on athlete behavior in achievement settings” (p. 158). The majority of motivation research in sport performance contexts over the past 40 years has adopted a social cognitive approach, at least partially. The most popular contemporary theories in sport psychology tend to be based on organismic (e.g., Self-Determination theory, Deci & Ryan, 1985 ; Hierarchical goal model, Elliot, 1999 ) or social cognitive criteria (e.g., Achievement Goal Theory, Nicholls, 1989 ) and are based on the more dynamic and sophisticated conceptions that assume the human is an active participant in decision making and in planning achievement.

We have confined our review to include only the most important theories for sport and performance. It may be debated whether we have included all of the important theories. However, even a cursory review of the motivation literature in sport immediately reveals that the most cited theories are Achievement Goal Theory (e.g., Dweck, 2006 ; Nicholls, 1989 ) and Self-Determination Theory (e.g., Deci & Ryan, 1985 ). These are the most used theories in the sport and performance arena. Thus, for sport performance, we take a critical eye to Self-Determination Theory (SDT) (e.g., Ntoumanis, 2012 ; Standage & Ryan, 2012 ) and Achievement Goal Theory (AGT) (e.g., Duda, 2001 ; Roberts, 2001 , 2012 ) and their principal advocates.

We will discuss each theory in turn and identify the process of motivation within each, and we will briefly cite the research in sport and performance to support the basic tenets and findings. Then we will discuss the similarities and differences of each theory and conclude with a series of suggestions for future research in sport and performance contexts.

The Theories

First, we will discuss AGT in its various guises.

Achievement Goal Theory and Research

The history and development of AGT in sport has been reviewed in several recent publications (e.g., Duda, 2005 ; Duda & Hall, 2001 ; Harwood et al., 2008 ; Lochbaum, Kazak Cetinkalp, Graham, Wright, & Zazo, 2016 ; Roberts, 2012 ; Roberts Treasure, & Conroy, 2007 ). We will not exhaustively review the literature in the present article, rather we will focus on identifying key constructs, tenets, and constraints to the theory; review the basic conceptual infrastructure and empirical support; and present recent proposals for expanding and/or restructuring the approach, with some rebuttals and counterpoints! AGT is a social cognitive theory that assumes that the individual is an intentional, rational, goal-directed organism and that achievement goals govern achievement beliefs and guide subsequent decision making and behavior in achievement contexts. It is these goals that reflect the purposes of achievement striving. Once adopted, the achievement goal determines the integrated pattern of beliefs that energize approach and avoid strategies, the differing engagement levels, and the differing responses to achievement outcomes. Goals are what give an activity purpose or meaning (Kaplan & Maehr, 2007 ; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980 ). By recognizing the importance of the meaning of behavior, it becomes clear that there may be multiple goals of action, not one (Maehr & Braskamp, 1986 ). Thus, an individual’s investment of personal resources such as effort, talent, and time in an activity is dependent on the achievement goal of the individual.

The overall goal of action in AGT, thereby becoming the conceptual energizing force, is the desire to develop and demonstrate competence and to avoid demonstrating incompetence in an achievement context (Nicholls, 1984 ). However, competence has more than one meaning. Based on previous research on learned helplessness (Dweck, 1975 ), cooperation/competition (Ames, 1984 ), and his own work on children’s understanding of the concepts of effort and ability ( 1976 ), Nicholls’s conceptual contribution was to argue that more than one conception of ability exists, and that achievement goals and behavior may differ depending on the conception of ability held by the person. Two conceptions of ability (at least) manifest themselves in achievement contexts, namely an undifferentiated concept of ability , where ability and effort are not differentiated by the individual; and a differentiated concept of ability , where ability and effort are differentiated (Nicholls, 1984 , 1989 ).

Nicholls ( 1978 , 1989 ) argued that children originally possess an undifferentiated conception of ability and associate ability with learning through effort so that the more effort one puts forth, the more learning (and ability) one achieves. Following a series of experiments, Nicholls ( 1978 ; Nicholls & Miller, 1983 , 1984 ) determined that by the age of 12, children are able to differentiate luck, task difficulty, and effort from ability, enabling a differentiated perspective. When utilizing this differentiated perspective, children begin to see ability as capacity and that the demonstration of competence involves outperforming others. In terms of effort, high ability is inferred when outperforming others and expending equal or less effort or performing equal to others while expending less effort.

An individual will approach a task or activity with certain goals of action reflecting their personal perceptions and beliefs about the form of ability they wish to demonstrate (Nicholls, 1984 , 1989 ). They interpret their performance in terms of these perceptions and beliefs and form a personal theory of achievement at the activity (Nicholls, 1989 ) that reflects the individual’s perception of how things work in achievement situations. The adopted personal theory of achievement (Dweck, 2006 , terms this as an implicit person theory ) affects one’s beliefs about how to achieve success and avoid failure at the activity. Therefore, based on their personal theory of achievement, people will differ in which of the conceptions of ability and criteria of success and failure they use.

State of Involvement

The two conceptions of ability thereby become the source of the criteria by which individuals assess success and failure. The goals of action are to meet the criteria. Nicholls ( 1989 ) identifies achievement behavior utilizing the undifferentiated conception of ability as being task involved and achievement behavior utilizing the differentiated conception of ability as being ego involved .

When task involved, the goal of action is to develop mastery, improvement, or learning; and the demonstration of ability is self-referenced, internal, and autonomous. Success is realized when mastery or improvement is attained. Perceived ability becomes less relevant as the individual is trying to demonstrate or develop mastery at the task rather than demonstrate normative ability. The achievement behaviors are adaptive in that the individual is more likely to persist in the face of failure, to exert effort, select challenging tasks, and be intrinsically interested in the task (e.g., Duda & Hall, 2001 ; Nicholls, 1989 ; Roberts, 2012 ).

When ego involved, the goal of action is to demonstrate ability relative to others, or to outperform others, making ability other referenced and external. Success is realized when the performance of others is exceeded, especially when expending less effort (Nicholls, 1984 , 1989 ). Perceived ability is relevant as the individual is trying to demonstrate normative ability, or avoid demonstrating inability, to determine how his/her ability fares with comparative others. These people seek competitive contests and want to demonstrate superiority. When perceived ability is high, demonstrating high-normative ability is likely; therefore, the individual is motivated to persist and demonstrate that competence to pertinent others. The ego-involved person is inclined to use the least amount of effort to realize the goal of action (Nicholls, 1989 ). If the perception of ability is low, then the individual recognizes that ability is unlikely to be demonstrated, and he/she manifests maladaptive achievement behaviors because he/she wishes to avoid demonstrating incompetence (Nicholls, 1989 ). Maladaptive behaviors are avoiding the task; avoiding challenge; reducing persistence in the face of difficulty; exerting little effort; and, in sport, even dropping out if achievement of the desired goal appears difficult. These people avoid competitive contests, as their lack of competence may be exposed. While the participant may view these avoidance behaviors as adaptive, because a lack of ability is disguised, they are considered maladaptive in terms of achievement behavior.

One of the most important tenets of AGT is that the states of involvement are mutually exclusive (e.g., Nicholls, 1989 ; Treasure et al., 2001 ). One is either ego or task involved. One’s state of motivational involvement ranges on a continuum from task to ego involvement. The goal state is very dynamic and can change from moment to moment as information is processed (Gernigon, d’Arippe-Longueville, Delignières, & Ninot, 2004 ). An athlete may begin a task with strong task-involved motivation, but contextual events may make the athlete wish to demonstrate superiority to others, and the athlete becomes ego involved in the task (as an example, when a coach publicly highlights a mistake). Similarly, an athlete may begin a competitive event with a strong ego-involved state of involvement, but as the event unfolds, the athlete may realize he or she will win easily (or lose emphatically) and therefore begin to work on mastery criteria instead and become task involved. Thus, goal states are dynamic and ebb and flow depending on the perception of the athlete.

In this article, when we refer to the motivated state of involvement of the individual, we use the terms ego and task involvement to be consistent with Nicholls’s use of the terms. However, other theorists use different terms such as mastery and performance (e.g., Ames, 1992a ; Dweck, 1986 ). In addition, when we refer to individual dispositions, we use the terms task and ego orientation to be consistent with Nicholls. Again, other motivation theorists (e.g., Dweck, 1986 , 2006 ; Elliot, 1999 ; Maehr & Braskamp, 1986 ) have used different terms (e.g., self-schemas, personal theories of achievement, implicit personal theories, personal investment) to describe the same phenomena.

Goal Orientations, an Individual Difference Variable

When individuals are predisposed (e.g., through their personal theory of achievement) to act in an ego- or task-involved manner, these predispositions are called achievement goal orientations . Individual differences in the disposition to be ego or task involved may be the result of socialization through task or ego-involving contexts in the home or other significant achievement contexts (e.g., classrooms, sport). The way Elliott and Dweck ( 1988 ) explain it is that each of the achievement goals runs off a different “program with different commands, decision rules, and inference rules, and hence, with different cognitive, affective, and behavioral consequences. Each goal, in a sense, creates and organizes its own world—each evoking different thoughts and emotions and calling forth different behaviors” (p. 11).

Goal orientations are not “traits” or based on needs. They are cognitive schemas that are dynamic and subject to change as information pertaining to one’s performance on the task is processed. The orientations have some stability over time and are relatively enduring in sport (Duda & Whitehead, 1998 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Balague, 1998 ). Thus, being task or ego oriented refers to the inclination of the individual to be task or ego involved in sport.

The important attribute of achievement goal orientations is that they are orthogonal and independent. One can be high or low in each or both orientations at the same time. Based on developmental research with children, Nicholls ( 1989 ) concluded that by the age of 12, it is possible for an individual to be high or low in both task and ego goal orientation, or high in one and low in the other. In the sport and exercise literature, this orthogonality has been supported (e.g., Duda, 2001 ; Lemyre, Roberts, & Ommundsen, 2002 ; Lochbaum et al., 2016 ; Pensgaard & Roberts, 2000 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1996 ; Walling & Duda, 1995 ). For qualitative reviews, see Duda and Whitehead ( 1998 ), and Roberts ( 2012 ) and colleagues (Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1997 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Conroy, 2007 ).

The implications of the orthogonality of goal orientations are important. The research evidence in sport suggests that individuals with high task and high ego or high task and low ego orientations have the most adaptive motivational profiles (e.g., Fox, Goudas, Biddle, Duda, & Armstrong, 1994 ; Hodge & Petlichkoff, 2000 ; Pensgaard & Roberts, 2002 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1996 ; Smith, Balaguer, & Duda, 2006 ). As one would expect, when an individual has been high in ego and low in task, or high in task and low in ego, then the findings are consistent with the findings reported above for task and ego orientation (task orientation is adaptive; ego orientation, especially when coupled with low perception of competence, is generally maladaptive). However, we find that high ego orientation when coupled with high (or moderate) task orientation is not maladaptive (e.g., Cumming, Hall, Harwood, & Gammage, 2002 ; Harwood, Cumming, & Fletcher, 2004 ; Pensgaard & Roberts, 2002 ; Smith et al., 2006 ; Wang & Biddle, 2001 ). Therefore, rather than focusing on whether an individual is task or ego oriented, it is important to consider the simultaneous combination of task and ego orientation (Kaplan & Maehr, 2007 ; Roberts et al., 2007 ).

The Research Evidence

Two strategies are used to determine the goal orientation profiles (high in each, high in one and low in the other, and low in each). One strategy has been to create the four profile groups through a mean or median split of the task and ego scores (e.g., Fox et al., 1994 ; Roberts et al., 1996 ). A weakness of this approach is that individuals may be misclassified. An alternative is to use cluster analysis to obtain the goal profiles (e.g., Hodge & Petlichkoff, 2000 ). Researchers in sport have used cluster analysis (Hair, Anderson, Tatham, & Black, 1998 ) to investigate goal orientations and in general have supported the use of cluster analysis to produce the goal orientation profiles (e.g., Cumming et al., 2002 ; Harwood et al., 2004 ; Hodge & Petlichkoff, 2000 ; Smith et al., 2006 ; Wang & Biddle, 2001 ). The clusters have varied across these studies, but importantly, participants with high ego/high task and high task/moderate or low in ego goal orientations have consistently reported more desirable responses on the variables under study (e.g., greater imagery use, more physical activity, higher self-determination, better social relationships). Thus, the motivational implications of the orthogonality of goals are a very important attribute of AGT.

Elite athletes are likely to be high task and high ego (e.g., Pensgaard & Roberts, 2000 ) or high ego and low or moderate in task orientation. In sport, the individuals most at risk are the high ego and low task oriented. These are the people most likely to exhibit maladaptive motivation, drop out, and are the athletes most likely to burn out when they believe they cannot demonstrate competence (Lemyre, Roberts, & Stray-Gundersen, 2007 ). The low ego and low task people are the least motivated, and they may not even commit to achievement tasks. The important issue in the present discussion is that the orthogonality of the goal orientations has been demonstrated quite conclusively (see Lochbaum et al., 2016 ), and the orthogonality of the goals is an important factor determining sustained motivated behavior in sport. The avenue of research related to achievement goals in the context of sport and performance has demonstrated that individual differences in goal orientations are associated with different motivational processes and different achievement behaviors (e.g., Lemyre et al., 2007 ). In comprehensive previous reviews, the hypotheses pertinent to the goal orientations are consistently supported (e.g., Duda, 2001 ; Duda & Hall, 2001 ; Lochbaum et al., 2016 ; Roberts, 2001 , 2012 ). Task orientation is associated with adaptive achievement strategies, positive affect, well-being, less cheating, better performance, and intrinsic forms of motivation. Ego orientation is associated with maladaptive achievement strategies, negative affect, ill-being, and extrinsic forms of motivation.

Goal Orientations and Mindsets

Dweck ( 2012 ) differs from Nicholls somewhat in that she argues that one’s personal theory of motivation gives rise to implicit theories about how things work in achievement settings. Dweck ( 2000 ) agrees with Nicholls ( 1989 ) that there exist specific individual difference variables that stimulate the pursuit of different goals; such variables are implicit person theories (IPTs). These theories reflect beliefs individuals have about themselves and their assumptions about the plasticity of personal characteristics such as personality, abilities (e.g., athletic), and intelligence, which guides human behavior (Dweck, 1986 ). Because they are not explicitly enunciated in the mind of the individual holding them, these person theories are typically referred to as implicit (Burnette, O’Boyle, VanEpps, Pollack, & Finkel, 2013 ). Thus, IPTs portray schematic knowledge structures that include beliefs about the stability of a characteristic, which in turn classifies the way individuals assign meanings to various occasions (Burnette et al., 2013 ; Ross, 1989 ). According to Dweck ( 1986 , 2012 ), there are two such IPTs. An entity IPT, also referred to as a fixed mindset , assumes that personal attributes are entities that reside within individuals and cannot be changed much over time (Dweck, 2000 , 2012 ). Thus, a so-called entity theorist believes that individuals have given abilities that cannot really be changed or developed (Dweck, 2006 ).

On the other hand, incremental IPT, also referred to as a growth mindset , assumes that personal attributes are relatively changeable (Dweck, 1999 ). Thus, individuals with a growth mindset, also called incremental theorists, believe that with effort, guidance, and effective strategies, all individuals can develop and increase their abilities over time (Dweck, 1999 , 2006 ).

The two mindsets are operationalized in such a manner that individuals lie somewhere along a continuum between the fixed and growth mindset prototypes; thus, one of the implicit theories is likely to be dominant (Heslin & Vandewalle, 2008 ; Spray, Wang, Biddle, Chatzisarantis, & Warburton, 2006 ). Still, it should be noted that it may be possible and beneficial for individuals to hold a combination of both growth and fixed mindsets (Dweck & Leggett, 1988 ; Harwood, Spray, & Keegan, 2008 ): That is, when present differences in relative ability are recognized, but blended with an emphasis on individual growth in ability (Dweck & Elliot, 1983 ; Dweck & Leggett, 1988 ). Sport psychological research has provided support for this suggestion given the typically negative, but weak, relationship between higher-ordered growth and fixed mindset dimensions (Biddle, Wang, Chatzisarantis, & Spray, 2003 ; Spray et al., 2006 ; Wang, Woon, Biddle, & Spray, 2005 ).

The IPTs (or mindsets) are relatively stable dispositions, and empirical evidence supports such a conceptualization (Dweck, 1999 ; Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995 ; Dweck & Leggett, 1988 ). However, there is also empirical evidence indicating that IPTs may be modified through interventions where changes in IPTs and behavior have been found to sustain for periods of six to nine weeks (e.g., Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2002 ; Heslin, Latham, & Vandewalle, 2005 ).

IPTs (or mindsets) have been studied comprehensively in the educational achievement domain typically with experimental designs, although scholars have extended the IPT applicability to other domains such as work (Heslin & Vandewalle, 2008 ) and sport/physical education (Ommundsen, 2003 ; Spray et al., 2006 ). Accordingly mindsets have been shown to be important for success in various domains such as physical and emotional health, in social relationships, in academics, and in the workplace (Dweck, 2012 ). In sport, existing research has mainly been conducted with student participants, and thus IPTs have typically been measured with reference to physical education and sport where the majority of studies have been cross-sectional (Harwood et al., 2008 ), with a few exceptions (e.g., Spray et al., 2006 ). In the next paragraph, we will briefly present the main findings from various achievement domains, focusing on sport, physical education, and education.

Research based on diverse populations suggests that individuals can hold different IPTs in different domains such as in sport or schoolwork; growth and fixed mindsets are endorsed approximately equally; further, IPTs are generally uncorrelated with the Big Five trait dimensions, cognitive complexity, self-esteem, and education (Burnette et al., 2013 ). IPTs have previously been linked to self-regulatory processes such as social comparison, selective information attention, goal setting, and overcoming stereotype threat (Aronson et al., 2002 ; Mangels, Butterfield, Lamb, Good, & Dweck, 2006 ; Nussbaum & Dweck, 2008 ; Robins & Pals, 2002 ). In the sport domain, a fixed mindset of ability has been associated with self-reported amotivation, increased levels of anxiety, reduced levels of satisfaction, more acceptance of cheating behavior that was partly mediated by approach, and avoidance-performance goal orientation. On the other hand, a growth mindset predicts positively enjoyment, satisfaction, and reduced acceptance of cheating behavior through perceptions of approach and avoidance-mastery goal orientation (Biddle et al., 2003 ; Corrion et al., 2010 ; Ommundsen, 2001c ).

Based on an experimental design, Cury, Da FonsĂŠca, Zahn, and Elliot ( 2008 ) found that a fixed mindset has a detrimental influence on performance. Specifically, holding a fixed mindset facilitated concerns about the implications of failure. Such worry further led to decreased practice that directly undermined performance. This finding aligns with several other studies suggesting that individuals with a growth mindset perform better on various tasks (e.g., Aronson et al., 2002 ; Blackwell, Trzesniewski, & Dweck, 2007 ; Mangels et al., 2006 ; Moser, Schroder, Heeter, Moran, & Lee, 2011 ; Paunesku et al., 2015 ).

IPTs and Goal Orientation

According to Dweck ( 1986 , 1999 ), individuals have different goals in achievement situations, and these goals have their basis in the individuals’ IPTs. Dweck’s approach to goal orientations may be referred to as a person-oriented approach, where personality plays a major role in goal adoption (Maehr & Zusho, 2009 ). Specifically, Dweck and Leggett ( 1988 ) argue that goal orientations have their basis in the individuals’ IPTs, although they may be responsive to change (e.g., Aronson et al., 2002 ; Paunesku et al., 2015 ; Spray et al., 2006 ).

The goals, which Dweck terms either performance or mastery goals, that individuals adopt help create mastery-oriented or helpless responses (Dweck, 1999 ). Individuals with a growth mindset view their ability as something they can improve over time and are thus more likely to adopt mastery goals (Dweck, 1999 ; Dweck & Leggett, 1988 ; Payne, Youngcourt, & Beaubien, 2007 ). Conversely, individuals with a fixed mindset are more likely to endorse performance goals (ability judgments), which creates vulnerability to a helpless pattern of behavior, particularly when their perceived ability is low (Dweck & Leggett, 1988 ; Maehr & Zusho, 2009 ). When helpless, individuals may attribute their failures to personal inadequacy, deficient abilities, or intelligence, and they experience negative affect (Dweck, 1999 ; Dweck & Leggett, 1988 ). Given that mastery goals concern mastery of new things, such as a new technical skill in ski jumping, growth mindset individuals respond to difficult problem solving with a clear mastery-oriented pattern (Elliott & Dweck, 1988 ). This was evident even when facing failure, where individuals managed to continue their focus on the task and how to solve it.

Fixed mindset individuals show a clear helpless pattern in response to difficult problem solving, especially when failing. In sport and physical education research, similar empirical evidence has emerged where a fixed mindset predicts performance goals while a growth mindset predicts mastery goals (e.g., Biddle, Seos, & Chatzisarantis, 1999 ; Biddle et al., 2003 ; Cury, Da Fonséca, Rufo, & Sarrazin, 2002 ; Ommundsen, 2001a , 2001b ; Spray et al., 2006 ). A meta-analysis of the goal orientation nomological net also found support for Dweck’s ( 1986 , 1999 ) predictions that a fixed mindset is negatively correlated with a mastery orientation and positively correlated with performance orientation (Payne et al., 2007 ). However the effect sizes were very small, indicating limited evidence for Dweck’s ( 1986 ) propositions of IPTs being the primary underlying antecedents of goal orientations.

However, a more recent meta-analysis (Burnette et al., 2013 ) including 28,217 respondents from various achievement domains (68% academic), representing 10 different nations covered in 113 different studies, investigated the relationship between IPTs and self-regulation. The results revealed that IPTs predicted distinct self-regulatory processes (performance and mastery orientation, helpless and mastery strategies, negative emotions, and expectations), which in turn predicted goal achievement. The results indicated that a growth mindset significantly and negatively predicted performance orientation, positively predicted mastery orientation, negatively predicted helpless strategies, positively predicted mastery-oriented strategies, negatively predicted negative emotions, and positively predicted expectations. The effects on goal orientation and helpless/mastery strategies were even stronger in the absence versus presence of ego threats such as failure feedback (Burnette et al., 2013 ). These findings lend additional support for Dweck’s initial propositions that IPTs are important predictors of individual goal orientation.

The Re-Introduction of Approach and Avoid Goals

A provocative theory challenging AGT has emerged from work on the hierarchical model of achievement motivation (e.g., Elliot, 1999 ; Elliot & Conroy, 2005 ). The hierarchical model claims to revise and extend AGT. The theory is based on the premise that approach and avoidance motivation are also important in considering achievement striving. Briefly, the hierarchical model of achievement motivation asserts that the dynamic states of involvement are influenced by both the definition of competence and the valence of the goals.

The arguments are similar to arguments made within Need Achievement Theory and research relative to approach success and avoid failure dispositions (e.g., Atkinson & Feather, 1966 ). Contemporary researchers suggest that an approach and an avoid motivation exist (e.g., Elliot, 1997 ; Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996 ; Middleton & Midgley, 1997 ; Skaalvik, 1997 ) and that individuals strive to be competent (an appetitive or approach valence) or strive to avoid appearing incompetent (an aversive or avoid valence). Thus, it is possible to differentiate goals based on their valence or the degree to which the focal outcome is pleasant or unpleasant.

In reviewing the achievement goal literature, Elliot ( 1994 ) observed that performance goals that focus on the pleasant possibility of demonstrating competence (approach goals) lead to different outcomes than performance goals focused on the unpleasant possibility of demonstrating incompetence (avoidance goals). Performance-avoidance goals reduce both free-choice behavior and self-reported interest in a task, whereas performance-approach goals did not have any consistent effect on intrinsic motivation indices (Rawsthorne & Elliot, 1999 ). This finding led to the introduction of a tripartite model of achievement goals comprising mastery, performance-approach, and performance-avoidance goals (Elliot & Harackiewicz, 1996 ). Following a series of studies by Cury and colleagues (e.g., Cury, Elliot, Sarrazin, Da FonsĂŠca, & Rufo, 2002 ; Cury et al., 2002 ; Cury, Da FonsĂŠca, et al., 2003 ), the model expanded to include a fourth possible achievement goal: mastery-avoidance goal (e.g., Elliot & Conroy, 2005 ). Thus, the argument was proffered that achievement goals should consider both the definition of competence and the valence of the striving . The model now became 2 by 2 with two definitions of competence (mastery vs. performance) and two valences of striving (approaching competence vs. avoiding incompetence) (see Papaioannou, Ziurbanos, Krommidas & Ampatatzoglou, 2012 ; Roberts et al., 2007 ).

The introduction of the hierarchical model has challenged many of the tenets and underlying assumptions of traditional AGT. In particular, it expanded the mastery and performance dichotomy to expand the theory from two goals to four goals. A body of evidence has accumulated to support these assertions, and some argue that the new model is a “better” theory to explain motivated behavior (e.g., Elliot & Conroy, 2005 ). However, the extension is criticized in that it violates some of the basic tenets of AGT (e.g., it negates the orthogonality of orientations) and adds little conceptual understanding to the motivational equation (e.g., Maehr & Zusho, 2009 ; Roberts, 2012 ) and undermines the parsimony and elegance of AGT.

It is not the only source of criticism of the traditional model, or the only expansion of the number of goals. AGT has had strong criticism from Harwood and colleagues (e.g., Harwood, Hardy, & Swain, 2000 ; Harwood & Hardy, 2001 ; Harwood et al., 2008 ) who raise what they term as conceptual and methodological issues. Others have argued for multiple goals, such as process, performance, and outcome goals (e.g., Burton & Weiss, 2008 ; Gould, 2010 ; Hardy, Jones, & Gould, 1996 ; Kingston & Wilson, 2009 ). Harwood and colleagues also argue for multiple states of task involvement and multiple goals (e.g., Harwood et al., 2008 ). Initially, Harwood and colleagues argued that achievement goal theory was not as useful in sport as in education, and they argued that task involvement, as a state, did not exist in sport because of the ego-involving nature of the sport experience: The goal pertinent to sport was termed “self-referenced ego involvement” (Harwood et al., 2000 , p. 244). They proposed that there were three states of involvement that were termed task involvement, self-referenced ego involvement, and norm-referenced ego involvement. This argument was strongly rebutted by Treasure and colleagues (Treasure et al., 2001 ) where the conceptual logic behind the multiple states of involvement was seriously questioned. However, it is for the reader to read the articles and decide for himself or herself.

The above documents the various approaches to arguing for the emergence of goal orientations within AGT. However, the approaches all agree that a personal theory of motivation, an implicit theory, or valence determine the goal orientation (task or ego, mastery or performance) of the individual. The orientation, in turn, determines the state of involvement (task or ego) of the individual.

The Motivational Climate: Mastery and Performance Criteria

One of the most powerful aspects of AGT is that it incorporates not only the individual difference variables of task and ego orientations, growth and entity orientations, but also the situational determinants of task and ego involvement. The situation plays a central role in the motivation process (Ames, 1992a , 1992b , 1992c ; Nicholls, 1984 , 1989 ). Consistent with other motivation research that has emphasized the situational determinants of behavior (e.g., Ames, 1984 ; deCharms, 1976 , 1984 ; Dweck, 2006 ), research within AGT has examined how the structure of the environment can make it more or less likely that an individual will become task or ego involved. The premise of this line of research is that the individual perceives the degree to which task and ego criteria are salient within the context. Through their perception of the criteria inherent in the context and the behaviors necessary to achieve success and/or avoid failure, this affects the achievement behaviors, cognition, and affective responses of individuals (Ames, 1992b ; Roberts, Treasure, & Conroy, 2007 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1997 ). When we refer to the achievement cues within the context, the schemas emerging from achievement situations, we will be consistent with Ames and refer to the task-involving aspect of the context as mastery criteria and the ego-involving aspect of the context as performance criteria.

The premise of the research from a situational perspective is that the nature of an individual’s experiences and how he/she interprets these experiences influence the degree to which a mastery and/or a performance set of criteria to achieve success is perceived as salient. A performance climate is created when the criteria of success and failure are other referenced and ego involving (Ames, 1992b ), and the athlete perceives that the demonstration of normative ability is valued. A mastery climate is created when the criteria of success and failure are self-referenced and task involving (Ames, 1992b ), and the athlete perceives that the demonstration of mastery and learning are valued. This is assumed to affect an individual’s interpretation of the criteria of success and failure extant in the context and to affect achievement behavior. The individual will adopt adaptive achievement strategies (namely, to work hard, seek challenging tasks, persist in the face of difficulty) in the climate in which he or she feels comfortable. For most people, and especially children, this is in the climate that emphasizes mastery (e.g., Biddle, 2001 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Conroy, 2007 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1997 ; Treasure, 1997 , 2001 ). In mastery-oriented situations, an individual is assumed to adopt adaptive achievement strategies such as working hard, seeking challenging tasks, and persisting in the face of difficulty (Harwood et al., 2015 ; Roberts, 2012 ). Certainly, the extant research supports that assumption (e.g., Treasure, 2001 ). However, we must not forget that some people function well in a performance climate. These are people who are high in perceived competence at the activity and who wish to demonstrate their competence and enjoy demonstrating superiority to others. As long as the perception of high ability lasts, these people seek challenging tasks and revel in demonstrating their ability. But as soon as the perception of ability wavers, because of age, injury, or an individual enters into a more elite context, then these people are likely to adopt maladaptive achievement strategies (namely, to seek easy tasks, reduce effort, or give up in the face of difficulty).

The extant literature in sport suggests that the creation of a mastery motivational climate is likely to be important in optimizing positive (i.e., well-being, sportsmanship, persistence, task perseverance, adaptive achievement strategies) and attenuating negative (i.e., overtraining, self-handicapping, stress responses, burning-out, cheating) attributes (e.g., Fry & Gano-Overway, 2010 ; Iwasaki & Fry, 2016 ; Kuczka & Treasure, 2005 ; Miller et al., 2004 ; Ommundsen & Roberts, 1999 ; Sarrazin, Roberts, Cury, Biddle, & Famose, 2002 ; Standage, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2003 ; Standage, Treasure, Hooper, & Kuczka, 2007 ; Treasure & Roberts, 2001 ; Wilhelmsen, Sorensen, & Seippel, in press ). This pattern of findings has been confirmed in a comprehensive qualitative and quantitative review using 104 studies (n=34,156) that found that perceptions of a mastery climate were associated with adaptive motivational outcomes including perceived competence, self-esteem, objective performance improvement, intrinsic motivation, positive affective states, experienced flow, and were less likely to cheat (Harwood et al., 2015 ). Conversely, perceptions of a performance climate were associated with extrinsic motivation, negative affective states, maladaptive performance strategies, perfectionism, and likelihood to cheat. The extant evidence, therefore, supports the position that perceptions of a mastery motivational climate are associated with more adaptive motivational and affective response patterns than perceptions of a performance climate in the context of sport engagement.

For the purposes of the present discussion, it is well to realize that dispositional goal orientations and perceptions of the climate are two independent dimensions of motivation within AGT that interact to affect behavior (Nicholls, 1989 ). But the powerful and parsimonious aspect of AGT is that both the individual dispositions and the perception of the motivational climate are encompassed by the theory. It is true that research to date primarily deals with dispositional goal orientations and perceptions of the motivational climate as separate constructs in isolation to each other (e.g., Harwood et al., 2015 ; Lochbaum et al., 2016 ). It has been suggested that an interactionist approach that looks to combine both variables promises to provide a more complete understanding of achievement behaviors in the sport and physical education experience (e.g., Duda, Chi, Newton, Walling, & Catley, 1995 ; Papaioannou, 1994 ; Roberts, 1992 , 2012 ; Roberts & Treasure, 1992 ; Roberts et al., 2007 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1997 ; Treasure, 2001 ).

In a qualitative review, Roberts ( 2012 ) argued that instead of looking at achievement goals and the motivational climate separately, as is the custom, AGT should focus on an integrated perspective because dispositional goal orientations and the perceived motivational climate are part of the same theoretical platform and that the energizing force for motivated behavior is the resultant state of involvement. It supports meaningful relationships between personal goals of achievement and/or the perceived criteria of success and failure in the motivational climate with cognitive and affective beliefs about involvement in physical activity, as well as achievement striving.

However, there are few studies that have investigated the interactive effect of both the goal orientations and the motivational climate within the same study. One exception is a recent study investigating the perceived physical and pedagogical inclusion of disabled students in physical education. Wilhelmsen and colleagues ( in press ) found that to feel socially and physically included it is important to have a high mastery climate and a low performance climate. In addition, the children felt more social and pedagogical inclusion when high in task and ego orientation, or high in task orientation, but only when in a mastery climate. Another exception is a study conducted by Cury and colleagues (Cury, Biddle, Famose, Goudas, Sarrazin & Durand, 1996 ). In this study, the researchers utilized structural equation modeling (SEM) to examine the interest of adolescent girls in physical education. The researchers conclude by suggesting that their findings support the positive effects of a mastery-oriented motivational climate in physical education and offer evidence of a possible shaping effect of the climate on an individual’s goal orientation. This has been supported in more recent studies (e.g., Iwasaki & Fry, 2016 ).

SEM and multilevel SEM may be appropriate techniques to examine potential relationships among achievement goals and perceptions of the motivational climate, including the testing of interactive effects (e.g., Preacher, Zyphur, & Zhang, 2016 ). Particularly the multilevel SEM approach may provide some interesting insights into how goal orientations and the motivational climate may interplay by simultaneously accounting for the individual and group level of analysis (cf. Lam, Ruzek, Schenke, Conley, & Karabenick, 2015 ).

Research has found interesting relationships between orientations and the climate (e.g., Swain & Harwood, 1996 ; Treasure & Roberts, 1998 ; Wilhelmsen et al., in press ), but some research has failed to find the hypothesized effects (e.g., Harwood & Swain, 1998 ). Although moderated hierarchical analysis does enable researchers to examine the separate, as well as the interactive effects of goal orientations and the motivational climate, this type of analysis is not powerful. However, the fact that significant main effects emerged for both climate and orientations appears to confirm the veracity of investigating the effects of goal orientations and perceptions of the motivational climate that the majority of achievement goal research has taken to date. Even though some have discussed the implications of both goal orientations and the motivational climate within a model (e.g., Roberts, 1992 ; Treasure, 2001 ), we have to agree with Harwood and colleagues ( 2008 ) that research in sport has not yet fully examined the interaction of dispositions and the situational criteria of the motivational climate on the manifestation of goal involvement.

Conclusions From AGT Research

There are two important conclusions we may draw from the evidence of the research effort on AGT over the past 40 years. The first one is that ego involving and IPT focusing on entity goals are more likely to lead to maladaptive achievement behavior, especially when participants perceive competence to be low, are concerned with failure, or invested in protecting self-worth. In such circumstances, the evidence is quite clear: Motivation ebbs, task investment is low, persistence is low, performance suffers, satisfaction and enjoyment are lower, peer relationships suffer, cheating is more likely, burnout is more likely, and participants feel more negatively about themselves and the achievement context. But as we have been at pains to note, this does not mean that ego-involving goals are always negative; in some situations and for some people they are positive. When one is ego oriented with a high perception of competence, then that goal is facilitative of achievement and functions as a motivating construct (e.g., Pensgaard & Roberts, 2002 ). This is precisely why being ego involved in sport can be very motivating and lead to sustained achievement behavior. But even then, ego-involving goals are more “fragile” and can lead to maladaptive achievement striving as context information is processed (Dweck & Leggett, 1988 ) such as when age begins to become a factor in elite sport performance or when injury strikes.

Second, the research is unequivocal that task involving (mastery) and IPT focusing on growth goals are adaptive. When task involved, whether through personal dispositions or participants perceive mastery criteria in the context, or both, then motivation is optimized, participants are invested in the task, persist longer, performance is higher, satisfaction and enjoyment are higher, peer relationships are fostered, burnout and cheating are less likely, and participants feel more positively about themselves and the task. Being task involved has been consistently associated with desirable cognitive-, affective-, and achievement-striving responses. The research is clear that if we wish to optimize motivation in sport and physical activity, we ought to promote task involvement. It does not matter whether we do it through enhancing socialization experiences so that the individual has a task-goal orientation and is naturally task involved (Nicholls, 1989 ) or we structure the physical activity context to be more task involving (Ames, 1992a ; Treasure & Roberts, 1995 , 2001 ). The crucial issue is that the participant has task-involving goals of achievement. The evidence has led many sport psychologists to conclude that being task involved better enables participants to manage motivation in the sport experience (e.g., Brunel, 2000 ; Duda & Hall, 2001 ; Iwasaki & Fry, 2016 ; Hall & Kerr, 1997 ; Pensgaard & Roberts, 2002 ; Roberts, 2001 , 2012 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Conroy, 2007 ; Roberts, Treasure, & Kavussanu, 1997 ; Theeboom, de Knop, & Weiss, 1995 ; Treasure & Roberts, 1995 ).

Now let us discuss Self-Determination Theory and its principal advocates.

Self-Determination Theory and Research

A central element of Self-Determination Theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985 ) is the concept of psychological needs. Basic Psychological Needs Theory (BPNT; Deci & Ryan, 2000 ) is one of five mini-theories that constitute the meta-theory of SDT. Within BPNT, Deci and Ryan proposed that individuals have innate and fundamental psychological needs that individuals seek to satisfy in order to achieve psychological adjustment, internalization, well-being, and personal growth. However, a dialectic occurs between the active organism and the social-contextual conditions that constitute the basis for the theory’s predictions about behavior, experience, and development processes. They propose that individuals will develop and function most effectively when their immediate psychosocial environment provides support for their basic psychological needs.

Three basic psychological needs have been identified, namely, the need for autonomy, the need for competence, and the need for relatedness. The need for autonomy refers to the perception that one is an “origin” of his or her own actions (Milyavskaya et al., 2009 ). The need for competence is associated with the perception of experiencing mastery and efficiency in a given environment and social context (Deci & Ryan, 1991 ). The need for relatedness is linked to the perception of experiencing meaningful interactions to significant others in a given context (Milyavskaya et al., 2009 ). Frustration of these needs is believed to have a negative impact on the individual’s psychological development, integrity, and well-being. Self-protective accommodations may be developed by individuals experiencing basic psychological needs thwarting to cope with the associated psychological deficit (Ryan, Sheldon, Kasser, & Deci, 1996 ). While these adjustments may provide some compensating satisfaction, these strategies ultimately fail to satisfy the thwarted basic needs, potentially leading to serious psychological maladjustments or pathologies (Froreich, Vartanian, Zawadzki, Grisham, & Touyz, 2017 ; Thogersen-Ntoumani, Ntoumanis, & Nikitaras, 2010 ).

SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985 , 2000 ) stipulates that individuals in achievement settings will adopt a more or less self-determined motivational style because of the perceived level of satisfaction and fulfillment of the three basic psychological needs. When all three needs are satisfied within an activity, individuals will feel a high degree of autonomous and self-determined motivation. In different sport and achievement contexts, numerous studies have linked high autonomous motivation to active information seeking, higher levels of performance, task perseverance, goal attainment, and increased well-being (Amabile, Goldfarb, & Brackfield, 1990 ; Van den Broeck, Ferris, Chang, & Rosen, 2016 ; Koestner & Losier, 2002 ). However, lower levels of perceived autonomy have been linked to ineffective goal striving; impaired performance and persistence; increased feelings of stress, anxiety, self-criticism; vulnerability to persuasion, as well as exhaustion and burnout (Van den Broeck et al., 2016 ; Gagné & Forest, 2008 ; Koestner & Losier, 2002 ; Treasure, Lemyre, Kuczka, & Standage, 2007 ). Needs thwarting, defined as the intentional obstruction of the needs (Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, Ryan, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2011 ; Vansteenkiste & Ryan, 2013 ), has been reported to be more detrimental than experiencing low levels of need satisfaction. It is linked to higher reported levels of ill-being and exhaustion in a performance context (Bentzen, Lemyre, & Kenttä, 2016a ). SDT also describes how different perceptions of a performance environment can either promote or undermine well-being (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). An autonomy-supportive environment is characterized by an understanding and acknowledgment of one’s perspectives and provides a meaningful rationale for arduous tasks, offering opportunities for personal solutions and minimizing performance pressure (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ; Ryan & Deci, 2002 ). On the other hand, a controlling environment will typically put normative constraints on how one is expected to behave in a given environment, imposing predetermined goals, setting up a variety of restraints, imposing contingent pressure and rewards, and often expecting performance levels beyond reason (Deci & Ryan, 2000 , Gagné & Deci, 2005 ). An autonomy-supportive environment believed to promote basic psychological needs satisfaction while controlling environment will likely challenge the satisfaction of those needs and thwart the process to achieve a healthy balance (Ryan & Deci, 2002 ).

From an SDT perspective, individuals can be motivated for different reasons (Deci & Ryan, 1985 ; Ryan & Deci, 2000 ). These different reasons for being involved in an activity are typically placed on a continuum of autonomy ranging from high to low self-determination. The assumption is that it is the perceived incentive for the initiation of a behavior that influences subsequent levels of motivation. The most autonomous motivation regulation is labeled intrinsic motivation. An activity is intrinsically motivated and autonomous when it is freely experienced and self-endorsed. Intrinsic motivation emanates from the target behavior itself with the locus of causality being perceived as internal. However, some actions can be motivated by external sources of regulations that are not necessarily endorsed by the self. In this case people do not feel as autonomous, perceiving an external locus of causality (deCharms, 1968 ). Behaviors are perceived as being extrinsically motivated when individuals perform an activity because they value its associated outcomes more than the activity itself. SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985 , 2008 ) contends that there is a continuum of extrinsic motivation, with each type of motivation differing as a function of the level of self-determination. The first extrinsic regulation is termed integrated regulation. Executed volitionally, integrated extrinsically motivated behaviors differ from intrinsically motivated actions in that they are aimed at obtaining personally important outcomes. The next extrinsic regulation on the continuum is identified regulation, corresponding to when the individual decides to participate in a task judged important for him/herself though not really interesting, such as exercising only for health benefits. The following regulation is termed introjected whereby behavior is fueled by inner pressures, such as guilt, to perform when the individual is not intrinsically interested but feels he/she ought to participate in the activity. The fourth extrinsic regulation is labeled external and represents extrinsic motivation as it was originally defined in the literature, for example, behavior controlled by specific external factors (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). An externally regulated individual typically engages in the behavior to obtain something (e.g., an award) or to avoid a negative consequence (e.g., punishment). Finally, individuals can also behave in some contexts without any motivational reasons for participating in the activity. This construct is termed amotivation and it results from not valuing an activity (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). Motivated individuals lack intention to participate in a given activity, and they do not perceive contingencies between their behavior and achievement outcomes. They are entirely lacking any form of self-determination, they have no relationship to any achievement goal, and their somewhat automatized behavior is solely controlled by the environment.

The different motivational regulations can thus be differentiated on a motivational continuum based on their relative autonomy, reflecting the level of self-determination within each regulation (Ryan & Connell, 1989 ). Intrinsic motivation is purely self-determined as it is defined through being involved in an activity for its own sake, because it is interesting and satisfying (Ryan, 1995 ). There are two extrinsically motivated forms of regulations that are also autonomous: namely, integrated and identified (Ryan & Deci, 2000 ). Integrated regulation is seen as is wholly autonomous as it reflects a behavior that is close to one’s own values and identity, while it is not necessarily interesting. Identified regulation is an autonomous form of motivational regulation as it reflects to what degree an athlete values sport participation. On the motivational continuum, these three autonomous regulations are followed by three less self-determined forms of motivation. Two of them are often seen as controlled motivational regulations, namely, introjected and extrinsic regulations. Introjected regulation refers to an athlete acting to avoid guilt and shame or to attain ego enhancements, such as pride (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). External regulation is the least self-determined form of motivation on the continuum as it is characterized by behaviors conducted to satisfy external demands or to reward contingency (Chemolli & Gagné, 2014 ). Amotivation has been interpreted as a separate construct, outside of the continuum.

In an attempt to simplify these concepts and for the sake of parsimony, motivational regulations have often been collapsed into two types, based on whether they refer to more autonomous (intrinsic and identified) or more controlled (introjected and external) forms of motivation (Deci & Ryan, 2008 ; Williams, GagnĂŠ, Ryan, & Deci, 2002 ). While autonomous motivation refers to athletes feeling self-determined and involved because their sport is personally important or interesting (Williams et al., 2002 ), controlled motivation refers to behaviors of athletes feeling pressured or coerced by internal or external sources (Ryan & Deci, 2000 ). Research clearly indicates that these two dimensions of motivation lead to very different outcomes in performance settings (Deci & Ryan, 2008 ).

In an attempt to further simplify the use and the interpretation of the theoretical framework, some researchers have used a single score Self-Determination Index (SDI; e.g., Frenet, Guay, & Senecal, 2004 ; Vallerand, Fortier, & Guay, 1997 ; Vallerand, & Rousseau, 2001 ). The SDI has typically been computed using this formula: [(2*(IM knowledge + IM accomplishment + IM stimulation)/3 + 1*Identified Regulation]−[(1*Introjected Regulation + 1*External Regulation)/2 + 2*Amotivation]. The advantage to using such an approach is that it allows for a simplification of the interpretation of an individual’s quality of motivation where the higher the positive index score, the more self-determined the motivation. Some researchers (e.g., Lemyre, Treasure, & Roberts, 2006 ) have demonstrated that it can be a useful methodology when investigating shifts in motivation over time. Lemyre and colleagues have also reported that this approach has important limitations as it collapses regulations with potentially very different effects on how individuals interpret the reasons for participating in different activities. Additionally, incorporating the amotivation subscale to the SDI may seem counterintuitive as it refers to the absence of regulation and should perhaps be interpreted independently from the continuum. In order to truly grasp the influence of each type of regulations and their potential interaction, Chemolli and Gagné ( 2014 ) argued that the quality of motivation should be measured with separate regulation scores rather than a sum score of regulations, as each motivational regulation should be seen as a temperature scale on its own. Recent studies investigating changes in quality of motivation over time have adopted this approach with advanced statistical analyses.

Research Evidence

SDT states that intrinsic motivation and more self-determined forms of extrinsic motivation (identified, integrated regulations) are associated with adaptive emotional, cognitive, and behavioral consequences. The non-self-determined forms of motivation (introjected and extrinsic regulations) and amotivation have been associated with a variety of maladaptive participation outcomes in different performance settings (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). Even though some researchers (e.g., Martinent & Decret, 2015 ) have clearly argued that higher levels of self-determined forms of motivation generally increase chances to succeed and reach the elite level in sports, Vallerand and colleagues ( 2008 ) have suggested that a combination of different motivational regulations (self-determined and controlled) may be optimal in achieving high levels of performance depending on the context and the time frame. That is, the quality of motivation of participants in sports and other performance contexts will often reflect a motivational profile based on a combination of self-determined and controlled forms of motivation, also leading to positive outcomes. Hypothetically, the presence of certain self-determined reasons for engaging in activity may neutralize the negative influence of other controlled reasons for participation, while the presence of these regulations may significantly add to the motivation and the determination of an athlete.

In a study by DiBartolo, Frost, Chang, LaSota, and Grills ( 2004 ), the authors state that individuals in a performance context pursuing challenging goals and high, personal standards may experience different levels of self-determined motivation because of perceiving these goals and standards of performance as a challenge or a required level of performance necessary to attain or to maintain self-worth. The assumption is that intrinsic motivation translates well in a challenge-seeking state, as the athlete is able to maintain intrinsic interest for the activity. In contrast, if those high, personal standards are in order to maintain or attain a sense of self-worth, it may hinder self-determined behavior. Autonomous and self-determined motivation is expected to lead to more adaptive coping skills accompanied by more flexible and positive stress appraisals (Mouratidis & Michou, 2011 ). When motivation is not self-determined and the athlete’s behavior is externally regulated, the athlete will perceive less control, which may lead to maladaptive achievement outcomes such as performance impairment, physical, and emotional exhaustion, which are all symptoms of burnout (Lemyre et al., 2007 ). Research in this area has suggested that athlete burnout is a result of a negative shift toward a less self-determined quality of motivation and a continuous experience of stress. This is due to personal factors such as maladaptive forms of passion and perfectionism or situational factors such as parental pressure or physical overtraining (Gould, 1996 ; Lemyre et al., 2007 ; Lemyre, Treasure, & Roberts, 2006 ). Athletes who suffer from burnout will typically show signs of demotivation because of the reduced sense of accomplishment and devaluation of the sport experience in general (Lemyre et al., 2007 ). Burnout seems to share many commonalities with amotivation. Amotivation reflects a state where an athlete who was originally showing great motivation for an activity experienced a gradual deterioration of the quality of his or her motivation over time, often in the face of adversity and an inability to achieve important goals. The athlete ends up by feeling that there is no relationship between the investment in the activity and the return for this investment (Lemyre et al., 2006 ). These findings support the use of Self-Determination Theory to understand better the factors leading to maladaptive achievement outcomes in sports such as burnout. In addition, Quested and Duda ( 2011 ) found that promoting autonomous motivation is relevant to reduce the risk of burnout in vocational dancers.

In a series of articles investigating psychological adjustment, well-being, and prevention of exhaustion in elite sport coaches, Bentzen and colleagues (Bentzen, Lemyre, & Kenttä, 2014 , 2016a , 2016b ) used an SDT framework to better understand the complex challenges associated with performing in a position of leadership in sports. In one of their articles (Bentzen et al., 2016a ), the authors used the SDT-process model (Ryan, Patrick, Deci, & Williams, 2008 ) to highlight how personal and environmental variables interact. While SDT assumes that people have natural developmental tendencies for growth, experiencing mastery, and integrating new experiences into a coherent sense (Ryan & Deci, 2002 ), the SDT-process model presents a framework explaining how these tendencies are fueled and supported in the interaction with the social environment (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). The process from the individual interacting with the environment to outcomes is described as the SDT-process model (Ryan et al., 2008 ). The proposed sequential development model has four important components where (1) the perceived environment predicts, (2) psychological need satisfaction predicts, (3) the quality of motivation finally predicting, (4) and outcomes (Bentzen et al., 2016a ; Fortier, Sweet, O’Sullivan, & Williams, 2007 ; Halvari, Halvari, Bjørnebekk, & Deci, 2013 ; Williams, McGregor, Zeldman, Freedman, & Deci, 2004 ). Following this framework, Bentzen and colleagues ( 2016a ) investigated changes in motivation indices relative to burnout symptoms in high-performance coaches over the course of a sport season. The authors found that lower levels of need satisfaction in coaches as well as the experience of having their needs thwarted led to maladaptive outcomes. They also found that high levels of autonomous motivation had a preventive effect on the development of exhaustion in elite-level coaches. Their research underlined the importance of a performance environment promoting the development and maintenance of autonomous motivation in individuals to ensure performance and well-being, as well as preventing exhaustion.

Similarities and Differences Between AGT and SDT

As is clear to the reader from the preceding, there are some remarkable similarities in the cognitive, behavioral, and emotional outcomes predicted by SDT and AGT. In both theories, participants become invested in the task, persist longer, performance is higher, satisfaction and enjoyment are higher, peer relationships are fostered, well-being is enhanced, and participants feel more positively about themselves and the task when motivation is task involving and/or self-determined. Being task involved and self-determined have been consistently associated with desirable cognitive-, affective-, and achievement-striving responses. The research is now clear that if we wish to optimize motivation in sport and performing contexts, we ought to promote task involvement and/or autonomous forms of motivation. It does not matter whether we do it through enhancing socialization experiences so that we encourage the individual to be task involved or autonomous or the person is naturally task involved through their disposition to be task oriented (AGT) or to satisfy basic needs (SDT).

However, the theories do have some basic differences. First, and most obvious, AGT and SDT differ in the energization of achievement behavior. SDT argues that the person is motivated to satisfy the basic needs of competence, relatedness, and autonomy. It is striving to satisfy these basic needs that stoke the motivational engine. In terms of “nature versus nature,” SDT assumes that nature is the major underlying energization of motivated behavior, and there are universal basic needs that every person has and seeks to satisfy, even though a dialectic occurs between the context and the individual. Conversely, AGT argues that we are motivated to achieve because we wish to demonstrate competence: to others and ourselves. We learn through our socialization experiences that the demonstration of competence is a valued attribute in society. There is a long history in psychology of how individuals are socialized to recognize that the demonstration of competence is a valued social attribute (e.g., Roberts & Sutton Smith, 1962 ). AGT assumes that the demonstration of competence is a learned attribute; therefore, it is nurtured by socialization processes. Thus, whether we choose SDT or AGT, it becomes an issue of how one believes the psyche functions: Do we have basic needs that drive the human organism, or is the human organism intentional and rational and makes decisions based on how one thinks things work in achievement settings? One’s choice of theory may simply come down to that basic question.

A second major difference in the two theories is in terms of scope. SDT purports to be a meta “theory of everything,” which is concerned with the global nature of human beings (Deci & Ryan, 2012 ). SDT is a meta-theory with five mini-theories within it, with Basic Needs Theory being the motivational “engine” that drives the theory. SDT argues that all people need to experience the basic psychological nutrients of competence, relatedness, and autonomy for effective functioning, psychological health, well-being, and the development of personality and cognitive structures. The degree to which the three basic needs are satisfied or thwarted has positive and negative influence on a wide range of outcomes, including motivation. AGT, on the other hand, is a more restricted theory dealing with achievement-motivated behavior in pursuit of a specified goal that is valued and meaningful to the individual. When one is trying to demonstrate ability in a valued context to self and/or others, then AGT is a parsimonious and elegant theory to describe and explain the social cognitive dynamics of pursuing an achievement goal or outcome (Maehr & Zusho, 2009 ), which is why it lends itself to competitive sport and performance so well.

A third difference is in the arguments pertaining to the relevance of the social context to affect achievement behavior. Both SDT and AGT emphasize the importance of the social environment (AGT: Mastery, Performance; SDT: Autonomy support, Controlling), but there are substantive differences. According to SDT, social factors influence human motivation through the mediating variables of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Vallerand, 1997 ). On the other hand, AGT focuses on how perceptions of the extant criteria of success and failure that create either a mastery or a performance climate, which in turn interacts with dispositional goals to influence affect, behavior, and cognition in achievement contexts (Ntoumanis, 2001 ). Still, there is a “general convergence of evidence from achievement goal theories and SDT concerning the optimal design of learning environments” (Deci & Ryan, 2000 , p. 260). Specifically, both conceptual frameworks suggest that intrinsic motivation is nurtured in environments that promote self-mastery and choice. On the other hand, intrinsic motivation is thwarted, or supplanted by ego involvement, in environments in which normative comparison operates and rewards are provided contingent on performance.

AGT and SDT also have similarities, and not only in outcome predictions. There are similarities in achievement goals. Achievement goals are relevant to SDT, and researchers have looked at the influence of what is termed goal content (intrinsic vs. extrinsic) on the quality of motivation of individuals in different performance contexts (e.g., Solberg & Halvari, 2009 ). SDT differentiates between intrinsic and extrinsic goal content. Intrinsic goal content is associated to reasons such as learning and personal growth, friendship, and social contribution (Kasser & Ryan, 1996 ). It is assumed to lead to adaptive outcomes. This is very similar to the goal of task involvement in AGT, which is associated with learning, personal growth, and mastery. Extrinsic goal content is associated to reasons such as financial success, status, and physical appearance. Extrinsic goal content increases the risk for an athlete to experience maladaptive participation outcomes (e.g., Solberg & Halvari, 2009 ). This is very similar to the goal of ego involvement in AGT that is associated with status relative to others and the demonstration of normative competence. The conceptual rationale behind the achievement goals is, of course, quite different. In SDT, the assumption is that intrinsic goal content is expected to promote the fulfillment of the three basic needs (Deci & Ryan, 2000 , 2012 ) while extrinsic goals are not instrumental to basic need satisfaction as they lead an individual to focus on external outcomes and social comparison (Kasser & Ryan, 1996 ; Solberg & Halvari, 2009 ). In AGT, because it has a more limited focus on demonstrating a valued social attribute, then the demonstration of competence as one defines competence is expected to influence one’s motivational stance. These concepts in SDT have yet to be exhaustively investigated in the context of sport and performance; however, research has suggested that intrinsic goal content mediated the relationship between sport participation and psychological well-being (Chatzisarantis & Hagger, 2009 ) in a similar way to AGT research findings. In a study of elite athletes, Solberg and Halvari ( 2009 ) found that athletes experiencing autonomy support from their coach were more likely to have autonomous and intrinsic reasons for their goals and reported more positive emotional well-being. This is similar to the research findings with the mastery motivational climate in AGT (e.g., Ames, 1992c ).

All motivation theories over time have a focus on competence, in one form or another. SDT and AGT are no different. SDT’s focus is on the need for competence as a unitary human need that when satisfied will facilitate autonomous motivation (Ntoumanis, 2001 ). SDT has been criticized for not providing a well-articulated and internally consistent conceptualization of the role of competence in maintaining autonomous motivation (Butler, 1987 ). According to Butler, SDT has not sufficiently distinguished between different kinds of competence goals or the relation between the perception of autonomy and different conceptions of ability. It may be argued that SDT has contributed more to the understanding of how social contexts may foster intrinsic motivation by the support of autonomy instead of clarifying how these contexts may contribute to continuing motivation by promoting either one rather than another conception of ability (Butler, 1987 ). This is supported by Spinath and Steinmayr ( 2012 ) who argue also that different aspects of competence are important. For people with competence-demonstration goals, measuring competence relative to others or certain external criteria is important, while for people with competence-development goals, it is important to “measure one’s own competence against intraindividual temporal standards” (p. 1144). The distinction is not captured with measurement of the need for competence. On the other hand, AGT is more concerned with how thoughts and perceptions energize motivated behavior. The focus is on how being task or ego involved influences task difficulty choices and sustained achievement striving. Being “task involved” is important to both theories. Task involvement “bears a considerable relation to intrinsic motivation when applied to the achievement domain” (Deci & Ryan, 2000 , p. 260). When individuals are task involved, their motivation to perform a task derives from intrinsic properties and not from the expected outcomes of the task. When intrinsically motivated, people do an activity because the behavior in itself is interesting as well as spontaneously satisfying. When individuals are task involved, the intrinsic motivation system is involved in initiating, sustaining, and rewarding a specific behavior or activity (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). Being task involved indicates that the individual strives for mastery, while being intrinsically motivated makes the mastery a reward in itself. Therefore, task involvement facilitates autonomous behavior as well as the need for competence (Ntoumanis, 2001 ).

Despite the partial convergence of constructs (performance climate/controlling climate; mastery climate/autonomous climate; need for competence, task involvement), and similar outcome predictions, the two theories are based on different theoretical perspectives that may make it inappropriate to combine them (Marsh, Craven, Hinkley, & Debus, 2003 ). However, an attempt has been made: Duda ( 2013 ) proposed a hierarchical reconceptualization of the motivational climate in sport, specifically for children, by combining the two conceptual frameworks. Duda introduced “empowering” and “disempowering” dimensions to coaching behavior to integrate SDT and AGT. When coaches are empowering, they will be autonomy supportive, mastery involving, and support social relatedness. Coaches will promote self-referenced criteria of success when assessing competence and will satisfy basic needs in the participants. When coaches are disempowering, they will be controlling and use performance criteria of success. Coaches will promote other referenced criteria of success when assessing competence and be less concerned with satisfying basic needs. Can the concepts of empowerment and disempowerment integrate SDT and AGT to become a unified theory? A recent study would suggest probably not: Using a Bayesian approach, Solstad and colleagues (in review) failed to confirm the hierarchical nature of the coach-created motivational climate as proposed by Duda. Solstad and colleagues agree with Marsh and colleagues ( 2003 ) who argued that the two theories are based on different conceptual arguments, which make it inappropriate to combine them. The empowerment concepts are proposed to integrate the theories, but in fact they make a descriptive and pragmatic case to use both theories to maximize the likelihood of creating a supportive, task-involving, autonomous-coaching climate for the benefit of the children in the sport experience. Future attempts to create a unified theory need to address developing unique energizing constructs because, at the present time, both theories maintain their own unique energizing mechanisms. However, that does not mean that the children do not benefit from the pragmatic inclusion of both theories as argued cogently by Duda; they clearly do (Solstad, 2016 ).

Conclusions and Future Directions

As we have stated above, in both theories, when motivation is task involving and/or self-determined, participants become invested in the task, persist longer, perform better, satisfaction and enjoyment are higher, peer relationships are fostered, well-being is enhanced, and participants feel more positively about themselves and the task. Being task involved and self-determined have been consistently associated with desirable cognitive-, affective-, and achievement-striving responses. The research is now clear that if we wish to optimize motivation in sport and performing contexts, we should promote task involvement and/or autonomous forms of motivation. Both theories recognize the importance of personal variables and the impact of the perceived context on motivation for sustained achievement behavior.

Which theory should we use? Well, that clearly depends on your understanding of how the psyche works. Do you believe that satisfying basic needs drive the human organism? If so, SDT is for you. Do you believe that the human organism is rational and intentional and is driven by how one perceives the social context or believes in trying to demonstrate either task or ego-involved competence? Then AGT is for you. SDT is a more global theory of personality; AGT is limited to achievement tasks that are valued by the person. It is a choice, but the predictions of both theories are remarkably similar. However, it would seem that trying to integrate the theories is not viable at this time (Marsh et al., 2003 ; Solstad et al., forthcoming ), but that does not mean we should stop trying.

It is interesting to note that a mastery/autonomy-supportive climate has been found to facilitate positive outcomes while a performance/controlling climate is associated with negative outcomes. But these climates may be interdependent and may thus exist simultaneously, certainly within AGT (Ames, 1992a , 1992b , 1992c ). An interesting line of inquiry for future research may be to investigate further the interplay between the opposing climates. To the best of our knowledge, there are only two studies that address this, and then only from an AGT approach (Buch, Nerstad, & Safvenbom, 2017 ; Ommundsen & Roberts, 1999 ). For example, Buch and colleagues found a positive relationship between perceived mastery climate and increased intrinsic motivation only when combined with low levels of perceived performance climate. An important task for future research would be to attempt to clarify what may represent a beneficial balance between mastery (autonomous) and performance (controlling) climates in sport and performance.

Another interesting direction could be to question whether being task involved is beneficial for everyone. There is evidence that being ego involved is beneficial for some individuals in competitive contexts when the individual has a high perception of competence (Pensgaard & Roberts, 2000 ). This research showed also that elite athletes seem to benefit from being high in both task and ego orientations. It may be that individuals who are simply high in task orientation may not function well in a highly competitive environment.

Given that mastery (autonomous) and performance (controlling) climates have such profound influence on achievement behavior, future research should address what may be the crucial antecedents of such climates in sport. This would also inform coaching behaviors. As an example, one study has addressed how leadership style (e.g., Baric & Bucik, 2009 ) may be such a relevant antecedent. Other possible and important antecedents may exist.

Some researchers have questioned whether IPTs can operate at the situational level. Although IPTs have been found to be temporarily changeable (interventions), the fact that IPTs initially are operationalized as relatively stable dispositions may confuse an operationalization at the situational level. Perhaps a better and more theoretically sound approach could be to investigate the predictive value of the perceived motivational climate as operationalized by Nicholls ( 1984 ) and Ames ( 1992c ). Dweck’s approach builds on Nicholls’s ( 1981 ) initial ideas, and thus it would facilitate theoretical coherence to link the IPTs with the perceived motivational climate. One study did test this showing that a performance climate induced a fixed mindset of ability, while a mastery climate generated a growth mindset in physical education students (Ommundsen, 2001c ). This study’s findings are based on cross-sectional data that suggests the need for more rigorous designs and data to support the findings. This could also facilitate an answer to how IPTs are socialized in ongoing interactions in various achievement domains. Specifically, the extant criteria of success and failure signaled through the policies, practices, and procedures in sports, at school or in organizations, may contribute to elicit the different beliefs (Maehr & Braskamp, 1986 ).

We began with the philosophical approach of Nicholls ( 1979 ), and we end with a quote from his 1989 book that pertains to both AGT and SDT equally: “If all students are optimally motivated, we are on the way to the goal of equality in the fulfillment of potential” (Nicholls, 1989 , p. 151). Nicholls was interested in the academic domain, but the same is certainly true in the sport domain.

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Exercise, physical activity, and self-determination theory: A systematic review

Pedro j teixeira.

1 Faculty of Human Kinetics, Technical University of Lisbon, Estrada da Costa, 1495-688, Cruz Quebrada, Portugal

Eliana V Carraça

David markland.

2 School of Sport, Health and Exercise Sciences, Bangor University, Bangor, UK

Marlene N Silva

Richard m ryan.

3 Department of Clinical and Social Sciences in Psychology, University of Rochester, Rochester, NY, USA

Motivation is a critical factor in supporting sustained exercise, which in turn is associated with important health outcomes. Accordingly, research on exercise motivation from the perspective of self-determination theory (SDT) has grown considerably in recent years. Previous reviews have been mostly narrative and theoretical. Aiming at a more comprehensive review of empirical data, this article examines the empirical literature on the relations between key SDT-based constructs and exercise and physical activity behavioral outcomes.

This systematic review includes 66 empirical studies published up to June 2011, including experimental, cross-sectional, and prospective studies that have measured exercise causality orientations, autonomy/need support and need satisfaction, exercise motives (or goal contents), and exercise self-regulations and motivation. We also studied SDT-based interventions aimed at increasing exercise behavior. In all studies, actual or self-reported exercise/physical activity, including attendance, was analyzed as the dependent variable. Findings are summarized based on quantitative analysis of the evidence.

The results show consistent support for a positive relation between more autonomous forms of motivation and exercise, with a trend towards identified regulation predicting initial/short-term adoption more strongly than intrinsic motivation, and intrinsic motivation being more predictive of long-term exercise adherence. The literature is also consistent in that competence satisfaction and more intrinsic motives positively predict exercise participation across a range of samples and settings. Mixed evidence was found concerning the role of other types of motives (e.g., health/fitness and body-related), and also the specific nature and consequences of introjected regulation. The majority of studies have employed descriptive (i.e., non-experimental) designs but similar results are found across cross-sectional, prospective, and experimental designs.

Overall, the literature provides good evidence for the value of SDT in understanding exercise behavior, demonstrating the importance of autonomous (identified and intrinsic) regulations in fostering physical activity. Nevertheless, there remain some inconsistencies and mixed evidence with regard to the relations between specific SDT constructs and exercise. Particular limitations concerning the different associations explored in the literature are discussed in the context of refining the application of SDT to exercise and physical activity promotion, and integrating these with avenues for future research.

Introduction

Physical activity and exercise, when undertaken regularly, are highly beneficial for health, and for physical and psychological well-being [e.g., [ 1 ]. Yet, only a minority of adults in modern societies reports engaging in physical exercise at a level compatible with most public health guidelines [ 2 ]. For instance, 2009 data indicate that, on a typical week, 60% of adults in Europe engaged in no physical exercise or sports [ 3 ]. In the US, less than 50% of adults are considered regularly physically active [ 4 ] while in Canada new accelerometer data shows that only 15% of adults meet national physical activity recommendations [ 5 ]. Such findings suggest that many people lack sufficient motivation to participate in the 150 minutes of moderately intense exercise or physical activity a per week recommended [ 6 ]. Indeed, approximately 40% of Europeans agree with the statement: “Being physically active does not really interest me – I would rather do other things with my spare time” [ 3 ].

Lack of motivation can broadly be explained by two orders of factors. First, as highlighted in the previous statistic, people may not be sufficiently interested in exercise, or value its outcomes enough to make it a priority in their lives [ 7 ]. Many individuals experience competing demands on their time from educational, career, and family obligations, possibly at the expense of time and resources that could be invested in exercising regularly. Second, some people may not feel sufficiently competent at physical activities, feeling either not physically fit enough or skilled enough to exercise, or they may have health limitations that present a barrier to activity [ 8 ]. Whether it be low interest or low perceived competence, the physical activity participation data indicate that many people are either unmotivated (or amotivated ), having no intention to be more physically active, or are insufficiently motivated in the face of other interests or demands on their time.

In addition to those who are unmotivated, another source of short-lived persistence in exercise behaviors comes from people who do express personal motivation to exercise regularly, yet initiate exercise behaviors with little follow through. Specifically, a significant percentage of people may exercise because of controlled motivations, where participation in activities like going to the gym or running regularly is based on a feeling of “having to” rather than truly “wanting to” participate [ 7 ]. Controlled forms of motivation, which by definition are not autonomous (i.e., they lack volition), are predominant when the activity is perceived primarily as a means to an end and are typically associated with motives or goals such as improving appearance or receiving a tangible reward [ 9 ]. One hypothesis then is that the stability of one’s motivation is at least partially dependent on some of its qualitative features, particularly the degree of perceived autonomy or of an internal perceived locus of causality [ 10 ]. That is, the level of reflective self-endorsement and willingness associated with a behavior or class of behaviors should be associated with greater persistence. An utilitarian approach to exercise (and to exercise motivation), such as might be prevalent in fitness clubs or other settings where exercise is externally prescribed, could thus be partially responsible for the high dropout rate observed in exercise studies [e.g., [ 11 ]. In fact, the pervasiveness of social and medical pressures toward weight loss, combined with externally prescriptive methods may be ill-suited to promote sustained increases in population physical activity levels.

In sum, large numbers of individuals are either unmotivated or not sufficiently motivated to be physically active, or are motivated by types of externally-driven motivation that may not lead to sustained activity. This highlights the need to look more closely at goals and self-regulatory features associated with regular participation in exercise and physical activity. Self-determination theory (SDT) is uniquely placed among theories of human motivation to examine the differential effects of qualitatively different types of motivation that can underlie behavior [ 12 ]. Originating from a humanistic perspective, hence fundamentally centered on the fulfillment of needs, self-actualization, and the realization of human potential, SDT is a comprehensive and evolving macro-theory of human personality and motivated behavior [ 12 ]. In what follows we will briefly describe key concepts formulated within SDT (and tested in SDT empirical studies) that are more relevant to physical activity and exercise, all of which will be implicated in our empirical review.

First, SDT distinguishes between intrinsic and extrinsic types of motivation regulating one’s behavior. Intrinsic motivation is defined as doing an activity because of its inherent satisfactions. When intrinsically motivated the person experiences feelings of enjoyment, the exercise of their skills, personal accomplishment, and excitement [ 13 ]. To different degrees, recreational sport and exercise can certainly be performed for the associated enjoyment or for the challenge of participating in an activity. In contrast to intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation refers to doing an activity for instrumental reasons, or to obtain some outcome separable from the activity per se . For example, when a person engages in an activity to gain a tangible or social reward or to avoid disapproval, they are extrinsically motivated. SDT, however, conceptualizes qualitatively different types of extrinsic motivation, that themselves differ in terms of their relative autonomy. Some extrinsic motives are relatively heteronomous, representing what in SDT are described as controlled forms of motivation. For example, externally regulated behaviors are those performed to comply with externally administered reward and punishment contingencies. Also controlled are extrinsic motivations based on introjected regulation, where behavior is driven by self-approval. Controlled forms of extrinsic motivation are expected within SDT to sometimes regulate (or motivate) short-term behavior, but not to sustain maintenance over time [ 14 ]. Yet not all extrinsic motives are controlled. When a person does an activity not because it is inherently fun or satisfying (intrinsic motivation), but rather because it is of personal value and utility, it can represent a more autonomous form of behavioral regulation. Specifically in SDT , identified and integrated forms of behavioral regulation are defined as those in which one’s actions are self-endorsed because they are personally valued. Examples include exercising because one values its outcomes and desires to maintain good health [ 7 ]. Thus, in SDT, these different forms of motivation are conceptualized as lying along a continuum from non-autonomous to completely autonomous forms of behavioral regulation.

Third, SDT introduces the concept of basic psychological needs as central to understanding both the satisfactions and supports necessary for high quality, autonomous forms of motivation . Specifically SDT argues that there are basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness, all of which are conceived as essential and universal nutriments to psychological health and the development of internal motivation. Satisfaction of these basic needs results in increased feelings of vitality and well-being [ 15 ]. Like any other activity, engaging in sports and exercise can be more or less conducive to having one’s psychological needs realized [ 16 ]. For example, experiences of competence vary upon success or failure at challenging physical tasks or as a function of feedback from, for example, a fitness professional. Perceptions of personal connection (relatedness) with others (e.g., fellow members of a fitness class or weight loss program) can vary greatly as a function of the interpersonal environment. Feelings of autonomy (versus feeling controlled) differ as a function of communication styles in exercise settings. According to SDT, in fact, need fulfillment in any context is closely associated with the characteristics of that social milieu, that is, whether important others support the needs for autonomy (e.g., take the perspective of the client/patient, support their choices, minimize pressure), relatedness (e.g., create an empathetic and positive environment, show unconditional regard), and competence (e.g., limit negative feedback, provide optimally challenging tasks). The concept of need support is thus thought to largely explain individual differences in the development and enactment of motivation across the lifespan [ 12 ]. Consequently, the design of health behavior change interventions that enhance satisfaction of participants’ basic needs is a matter of much interest in SDT studies, including in the area of exercise and physical activity [ 17 , 18 ].

More recently, goal contents have also been explored from an SDT perspective in relation to a range of behaviors, including exercise [e.g., [ 19 , 20 ]. It should be noted that most authors have referred to goal contents in exercise contexts as motives , or more specifically participation motives [e.g., [ 64 , 79 ]. Operationally both terms are identical and we will use them interchangeably herein. Whereas intrinsic motivation and the various forms of extrinsic motivation represent the regulatory processes underlying a behavior, motives or goal contents are the outcomes that individuals are pursuing by engaging in the behavior [ 12 ]. Goal contents are differentiated according to the extent to which their pursuit is likely to satisfy basic psychological needs. Specifically, SDT distinguishes intrinsic goals (e.g., seeking affiliation, personal growth, or health) as those thought to be more closely related to the fulfillment of basic psychological needs, from extrinsic goals (e.g., seeking power and influence, wealth, or social recognition) that are thought to be associated with “substitute needs” which are neither universal nor truly essential to well-being and personal development. Factor analytic studies have borne out this theoretical distinction, and a number of studies have shown the predicted differential consequences of intrinsic versus extrinsic goal importance [ 21 , 22 ]. Within the domain of exercise and physical activity, extrinsic goals (e.g., when exercise is performed primarily to improve appearance) or intrinsic goals (e.g., to challenge oneself or to improve/preserve health and well-being) can clearly be distinguished. It should be noted that different goals or motives towards a given activity often naturally co-exist in the same person, some being more intrinsic, some less. Similar to what occurs with motivational regulations (which can have more or less autonomous elements, see more below), it is the relative preponderance of certain types of motives versus others which is thought to determine more or less desirable outcomes [e.g., [ 19 , 20 ].

Finally, SDT also proposes that people have dispositional tendencies, named causality orientations [ 14 ] which describe the way they preferentially orient towards their environments, resulting in characteristic motivational and behavioral patterns. Although some people may be more inclined to seek out and follow their internal indicators of preference in choosing their course of action, others may more naturally tend to align with external directives and norms, while still others may reveal to be generally amotivated, more passive, and unresponsive to either internal or external events that could energize their actions [ 12 ]. Although this topic has not been explored at length in previous research, these orientations can manifest themselves (and be measured) in exercise and physical activity contexts and the Exercise Causality Orientation Scale has been developed to measure individual differences in orientations around exercise [ 9 ].

Previous review papers of the topic of SDT and physical activity have primarily focused on describing the rationale for the application of this particular theoretical framework to physical activity behaviors, reviewing illustrative studies [ 7 , 23 , 24 ]. Meanwhile, the SDT-related exercise empirical research base has grown considerably in recent years, warranting a more comprehensive and systematic review of empirical data. Systematic reviews and meta-analyses of empirical studies provide the highest level of evidence for the appraisal and synthesis of findings from scientific studies. Accordingly, the present review includes 66 empirical studies published up to June 2011 that assessed relations between SDT-based constructs or interventions and exercise outcomes. We included experimental and cross-sectional studies that have measured exercise causality orientations, autonomy/need support and need satisfaction, exercise motives or goals, and exercise self-regulations and motivation. We also studied SDT-based interventions as predictors of exercise behavioral outcomes. Figure ​ Figure1 1 depicts a general model of SDT and exercise, where its major constructs and theoretical links are highlighted.

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is 1479-5868-9-78-1.jpg

General SDT process model for exercise behavior. Adapted from the general health process model (Ref Ryan et al., Europ Health Psych, 2009), this graph includes the 5 groups of variables analyzed in this review as exercise predictors and their expected relationships (in a simplified version). Although this review only covers direct relationships between each class of variables (e.g., need satisfaction in exercise) and exercise behaviors, since few articles have simultaneously tested various steps of this model, the SDT model for exercise assumes that a sizable share of variance of exercise associated with SDT variables may be explained via indirect or mediating mechanisms, as depicted. See Discussion for more details.

Data sources and procedure

This review is limited to articles written in English and published in peer-reviewed journals covering adult samples. Research on autonomy and exercise in adolescents and children (typically based in school and physical education) was excluded, as well as studies with competitive athletic samples. Both are specific settings and were considered distinct from leisure-time or health-related exercise participation in adults, the focus of this review. The review includes both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, investigating clinical and/or general population samples, and using diverse quantitative methodological approaches. A systematic literature search of studies published between 1960 and June 2011 was undertaken on the computerized psychological and sport databases PsycINFO and SportDiscus. The following strategy was used: TX (autonomous motivation OR autonomous regulation OR intrinsic motivation OR controlled regulation OR autonomy OR self-determination OR treatment regulations OR goals OR motives OR basic needs OR autonomy-supportive climate) AND TX (physical activity OR exercise OR exercise behavior OR leisure-time physical activity) Limiters were: Scholarly (peer-reviewed) journals; English Language; Adulthood (> 18 yr); Specific subjects: exercise OR motivation OR self-determination. This search yielded 660 articles. Abstracts were read and, of those, all potentially relevant full manuscripts were retrieved (n = 73). At this stage, studies were excluded which did not include either SDT variables or physical activity variables (accounting for most of the excluded studies), that used non-adult samples, and that reported achievement/performance outcomes related to PE classes. Next, reference lists of retrieved articles, previous review articles on the topic, and books were also reviewed, and manual searches were conducted in the databases and journals for authors who regularly publish in this area. This search yielded 11 additional manuscripts, totaling 84 potentially relevant manuscripts. Next, manuscripts were read and the following inclusion criteria used to select the final set of manuscripts: inclusion of non-athletic samples; outcomes included exercise/physical activity behaviors; reported direct associations between self-determination variables and physical activity outcomes. A total of 66 studies fulfilled all inclusion criteria and thus were included in this review. Of these, ten were experimental, eleven prospective, forty-two cross-sectional, and three used mixed designs.

Studies were initially coded with a bibliography number, but independent samples ( K ) were considered as the unit of analysis in the current review since a few studies used the same sample while other studies reported analyses on multiple samples. Data tables (Table ​ (Table1) 1 ) were constructed and encompassed sample characteristics of study populations, motivational predictors of exercise behavior, instruments of assessment, exercise-related outcomes, research designs, and statistical methods used to test the associations.

Description of reviewed studies

        
ThØgersen-Ntoumani & Ntoumanis, 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 375 (51) Exercisers (Mean 38.7 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) + amotivation (AMS) : IM (+) , ID (+) , INTR (+) ; EXT (−) , AMOT (−) Exercise stages of change ; Exercise relapses (fewer) Multivariate logistic regressions, adjusting for sex and age; Manovas
Rose et al., 2005 [ ] Cross-sectional 184 (55) Healthy adults (17–60 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : IM (+) , ID (+) , INTR (+) EXT (−) Exercise stages of change Discriminant function analysis (IM was redundant); Manovas
Ingledew et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 251 (52) University Students (Mean 19.5 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (+),ID (+),INTR (n.s) EXT (n.s) Self-reported exercise (measure analogous to LTEQ) Partial Least Squares Analysis (PLS); Mediation analysis
Edmunds et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 369 (52) Healthy individuals (Mean 31.9 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : IM (n.s.), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (−) Self-reported exercise (total and strenuous PA; LTEQ) Multiple regressions; Mediation analysis. No associations with mild/moderately intense PA.
: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.)
Wilson et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 139 (64) Undergraduate students (Mean 19.5 yr) Canada Exercise extrinsic self-regulations (BREQ) and Integrated Regulation scale (INTEG) : INTEG (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis
: INTEG (+), ID (n.s.), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.)
McDonough et al., 2007 [ ] Cross-sectional 558 (72)     Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : RAI (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; SEM; Mediation analysis. Only RAI was tested in multivariate analysis.
: RAI (+), IM (n.s.), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.)
Daley & Duda, 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 409 (61) Undergraduate students (19.9 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (+), ID (++), INTR (+); EXT (− M); AMOT (− F) Exercise stages of change; Physical activity status (from inactive to active) Discriminant function analysis
Wilson et al., 2004 [ ] Cross-sectional 276 (64) Undergraduate students (20.5 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (n.s.); ID (+), INTR (+ F; - M), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regressions analysis
: IM (+); ID (+), INTR (+ F), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (n.s.)
Markland, 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 102 F Healthy individuals (Mean 29.2 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (+), ID (+), AMOT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression/mediation (Preacher & Hayes): INTR and EXT not analyzed.
: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (−)
Ingledew & Markland, 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 252 (48) Office workers (Mean 40 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (n.s.), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (−) Self-reported exercise (measure analogous to LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; SEM
: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (−)
Peddle et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 413 (46) Colorectal cancer survivors (Mean 60 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (n.s.), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Path analysis
: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (−)
Landry & Solmon, 2004 [ ] Cross-sectional 105 F African-American (Mean 56 yr) USA Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (−), EXT (n.s.) Exercise stages of change; exercise categories Anovas; Discriminant function analysis
  : RAI (+); IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.)
Milne et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 558 F Breast cancer survivors (Mean 59 yr) Australia Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ); exercise categories (meeting vs. not meeting guidelines) Anovas; Hierarchical regression analysis
: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (−), AMOT (−)
Mullan & Markland, 1997 [ ] Cross-sectional 314 (49.7) Healthy individuals (Mean 35–40 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.) Exercise stages of change Anova (RAI was analyzed); Discriminant function analysis;
: RAI (+)
Lewis & Sutton, 2011 [ ] Cross-sectional 100 (50) 95% undergraduates, members of a university gym; age not specified UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (+); ID (n.s.), INTR (n.s.), EXT (−), AMOT (n.s.) Exercise frequency Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis
: IM (+); ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (−), AMOT (−)
Markland & Tobin, 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 133 F Exercise referral scheme clients (Mean 54.5 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Wilson et al., 2002 [ ] Cross-sectional 500 (81) Aerobic exercisers (Mean 34 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (−) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations. Differences between PA intensities.
Sebire et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 410 (71) Exercisers (Mean 41.4 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : RAI (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Hierarchical regression analysis
: RAI (+)
Brickell & Chatzisarantis, 2007 [ ] Cross-sectional 252 (61) College students (Mean 23.2 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : IM (n.s.), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Multiple regression analysis
: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s)
Edmunds et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 339 (53) Symptomatic vs asymptomatic for exercise dependence (Mean 32.1 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) and Integrated Regulation scale (INTEG) : Symptomatic: INTR (+ tendency); Asymptomatic: ID (+). Remaining variables not significant. Self-reported exercise (total and strenuous PA; LTEQ) Multiple regressions. No associations with moderately intense PA.
Moreno et al., 2007 [ ] Cross-sectional 561 (53) Healthy adults (Mean 31.8 yr) Spain Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (n.s.), ID (−), INTR (n.s.), EXT (−), AMOT (−) Exercise duration (0-45 min vs. 45-60 min vs. > 60 min) Manovas
Hall et al., 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 470 (54) Adults (Mean 44.9 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2); Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (−) Exercise status (active vs. inactive) Anovas
Standage et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 52 (50) University students (Mean 22 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations; Autonomous and controlled motivations (BREQ) : AutMot (+), CtMot (n.s.)
BIV: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s), AutMot (+), CtMot (n.s.)
Accelerometry Bivariate correlations; Sequential regression analysis
Duncan et al., 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 1079 (57) Regular exercisers (Mean 24.2 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) + Integrated reg. scale : IM (n.s.), INTEG (+), ID (+)*, INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s), AMOT (n.s) * PA frequency; PA intensity; PA duration (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis
: IM (+), INTEG (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (− F)*, AMOT (−)
Sorensen et al. 2006 [ ] cross-sectional 109 (59) Psychiatric patients (Mean age group 31–49 yr) Norway Exercise regulations (based on BREQ) : IM (+), ID (n.s.), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise level Bivariate correlations; Logistic regressions
: IM (+), ID (n.s.), INTR (n.s.), EXT (−)
Puente & Anshel, 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 238 (57) College students (Mean 20.4 yr) USA Exercise self-regulations (SRQ-E) : RAI (+) Exercise frequency Bivariate correlations; SEM
: RAI (+)
Halvary et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 190 (44) Healthy adults (Mean 21.8 yr) Norway Autonomous motivation (SRQ) : AutMot (+) Exercise frequency and duration Bivariate correlations; SEM; Mediation analysis
: AutMot (+)
Wilson et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 220; 220 (56) Cancer survivors (Mean 60–64 yr) vs non-cancer (Mean 50 yr) Canada Autonomous and controlled motivation (TSRQ-PA) : AutMot (+), CtMot (−) in both samples Self-reported exercise (min/wk of MVPA) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis
: AutMot (+), CtMot (n.s.) in both samples
Hurkmans et al., 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 271 (66) Patients with Rheumatoid Arthritis (Mean 62 yr) Netherlands Exercise self-regulations (TSRQ-PA). Adated RAI. : RAI (+) Self-reported exercise (SQUASH) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis
: RAI (+)
Lutz et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 535 (60) University students (Mean 20 yr) USA Exercise self-regulations (EMS). Adapted RAI. : RAI (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlation; Preacher & Hayes mediation analysis
: RAI (+)
Wininger, 2007 [ ] Cross-sectional 143; 58 (76) Undergraduates (Mean 21–22 yr) USA Exercise self-regulations (EMS) *: IM (+), INTEG (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (−) * Exercise stages of change; ** Distance walked on treadmill Bivariate correlations; Manovas
**: IM experience sensations (+), INTEG (n.s.), ID (n.s.), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (−)
Craike, M., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 248 (53) Healthy adults (Mean 48 yr) Australia Exercise self-regulations (based on BREQ and EMS) : IM (+), ID (n.s.), INTR (n.s.), EXT (−) Self-reported LTPA SEM
Tsorbatzoudis et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 257 (55) Healthy adults (Mean 31 yr) Greece Exercise self-regulations (SMS) : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (−), AMOT (−) Exercise frequency (from the least to the most frequent) Multivariate analysis of variance; multiple regressions
Chatzisarantis & Biddle, 1998 [ ] Cross-sectional 102 (50) University employees (Mean 40 yr) UK Behavioral regulations for PA (SMS adaptation) : Autonomous group (vs controlled) based on RAI scores (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) SEM
Matsumoto & Takenaka, 2004 [ ] Cross-sectional 486 (53) Healthy individuals (Mean 45 yr) Japan Exercise self-regulations (SDMS); profiles of self-determination : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.) AMOT (−); Self-determined profile (+) Exercise stages of change Bivariate correlations and cluster analysis
McNeill et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 910 (80) Healthy individuals (Mean 33 yr) USA Intrinsic and extrinsic motivations (MPA) : Intrinsic motivation (+); Extrinsic motivation for social pressure Self-reported exercise (minutes of walking, and MVPA) SEM. Indirectly through self-efficacy.
Russell & Bray, 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional and prospective (6 + 6wk) 68 (13) Cardiac rehabilitation outpatients (Mean 64.9 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : RAI (+) Self-reported exercise (7Day-PAR) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis
: RAI (+)
Russell & Bray, 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional and Observational (14wk) 53 M Exercise cardiac rehabilitation patients (Mean 62.8 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (SRQ-E) : AutMot (+) Exercise frequency; duration (+); volume (+) – 7Day-PAR Bivariate correlations; Hierarchical regression analysis
: AutMot (+), CtMot (n.s.)
Fortier et al., 2009 [ ] Prospective (6mo) 149 F Healthy adults (Mean 51.8 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (TSRQ-adapted) : AutMot (n.s.) Duration, Frequency, and Energy Expenditure (CHAMPS) Bivariate correlations; Mediation/regression analysis
: AutMot (n.s.), CtMot (n.s.)
Rodgers et al., 2010 [ ] Prospective 1572 (60) Initiate vs. long-term exercisers (Mean 22–51 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (−) overtime for initiates, but < to regular exercisers Self-reported exercise (LTEQ); Initiate vs. long-term exercisers Manovas. Total N from 6 samples: initiates (60, 134, 38, 84), regular exercisers (202, 1054)
Barbeau et al., 2009 [ ] Prospective (1mo) 118 (65) Healthy adults (Mean 19 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : AutMot (+), CtMot (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Path analysis
: AutMot (+), CtMot (n.s.)
Hagger et al., 2006 [ ] Prospective (4wk) 261 (64) University students (Mean 24.9 yr) UK Relative autonomy index (based on PLOC scale) : RAI (+) Self-reported exercise (frequency) Bivariate correlations; SEM
Hagger et al., 2006 [ ] Prospective (4 wk) 261 (64) Exercise sample of university students (Mean 24.9 yr) UK Relative autonomy index (based on PLOC Scale) : RAI (+) Self-reported exercise (frequency) Bivariate correlations
Kwan et al., 2011[ ] Prospective (4 wk) 104 (58) Undergraduate students; active (Mean 18.2 yr) USA Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM (+), ID (n.s.), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.), AMOT (n.s.), RAI (n.s) Self-reported exercise (online diary) Bivariate correlations
Edmunds et al., 2007 [ ] Prospective (uncontrolled intervention) (3mo) 49 (84) Overweight/Obese patients (Mean BMI: 38.8; Mean 45 yr) on an exercise scheme UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2); Integrated regulation subscale (EMS) : IM (n.s.), INTEG (+), ID (−)*, INTR (+)*, EXT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ); Bivariate correlations; Multilevel regression analysis.* ID and INTR multivariate outcomes resulted from net suppression; thus, not considered by the authors.
      : ID (+), INTR (−)  
Wilson et al., 2003 [ ] Experimental (12wk) 53 (83) Adults (Mean 41.8 yr; BMI: 19.9 ± 3.0 kg/m ) Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : IM (+), ID (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis. IM and ID increased from pre- to post-exercise program
: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.)
Sweet et al., 2009 [ ] Experimental (12mo) 234 (38) Inactive with type 2 diabetes (Mean 53 yr) on an exercise program Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ) : AutMot (+) Amount of PA (kcal/month) Bivariate correlations; Regression/Mediation analysis
    : AutMot (+)
Fortier et al., 2011 [ ] Experimental (13wk); RCT 120 (69) Inactive patients (Mean 47.3 yr): intensive vs. brief PA intervention Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2) : IM, ID, INTR, EXT, and RAI were not significant predictors Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Fortier et al., 2007 [ ] Experimental (13wk); RCT 120 (69) Autonomy supportive vs brief PA counseling (Mean 47.3 yr) Canada Treatment self-regulations (TSRQ-PA) : AutMot (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Path/Mediation analysis
: AutMot (n.s.)
Levy & Cardinal, 2004 [ ] Experimental (2mo); RCT 185 (68) Adults (Mean 46.8 yr); SDT-based mail intervention vs. controls USA Exercise self-regulations (EMS) : IM, INTEG, ID, INTR, EXT, and AMOT were not significant predictors Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Manovas with repeated measures
Mildestvedt et al., 2008 [ ] Experimental (4wk); RCT 176 (22) Cardiac rehabilitation patients (Mean 56 yr): SDT-based vs standard rehab treatment Norway Autonomous and controlled motivations (TSRQ) : AutMot (+); CtMot (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (composite score); exercise intensity ANOVAs with repeated measures
Silva et al., 2010 [ ] Experimental (12mo); RCT 239 F OW/Obese women (Mean 38 yr); SDT-treatment vs controls Portugal Exercise self-regulations (SRQ-E) MV: IM (+)*, ID (n.s.), INTR (n.s.), EXT (n.s.) Self-reported exercise: MVPA * (7-day PAR); lifestyle PA index Bivariate correlations; PLS analysis; Mediation analysis
BIV: IM (+), ID (+), INTR (+), EXT (n.s.)
Silva et al., 2010 [ ] Experimental (1 yr + 2y follow-up); RCT 221 F OW/Obese women (Mean 38 yr); SDT-treatment vs controls Portugal Exercise self-regulations (SRQ-E) at 1 yr and 2 yr MV: AutMot 2 yr (+), INTR 2 yr (n.s.), EXT 2 yr (n.s.) 2-yr self-reported exercise: MVPA (7-day PAR) Bivariate correlations; PLS analysis; Mediation analysis
BIV: AutMot 1 and 2 yr (+), INTR 2 yr (+), EXT 2 yr (n.s.)
Puente & Anshel, 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 238 (57) College students (Mean 20.4 yr) USA Basic Psychological Needs Scale (BPNS); Perceived Competence Scale (PCS) : Competence (+) Exercise frequency Bivariate correlations; SEM; Relatedness not measured.
: Autonomy (n.s.), Competence (+)
Edmunds et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 369 (52) Healthy individuals (Mean 31.9 yr) UK Psychological need satisfaction (BNSWS adapted) : Autonomy (n.s.), Competence (+), Relatedness (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (total and strenuous PA; LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Regression analysis; mediation analysis
: Autonomy (+), Competence (+), Relatedness (+)
Edmunds et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 339 (53) Symptomatic vs asymptomatic for exercise dependence (Mean 32.1 yr) UK Psychological need satisfaction (BNSWS adapted) : Autonomy (n.s.), Competence (+), Relatedness (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (total and strenuous PA; LTEQ) Bivariate correlations. No associations with mild/moderately intense PA
Peddle et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 413 (46) Colorectal cancer survivors (Mean 60 yr) Canada Psychological need satisfaction (PNSE) : Autonomy (+), Competence (+), Relatedness (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
McDonough et al., 2007 [ ] Cross-sectional 558 (72) Recreational dragon boat paddlers (Mean 45 yr) Canada Exercise need satisfaction (PNSE) : Autonomy (−), Competence (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; SEM
: Autonomy (n.s.), Competence (+), Relatedness (n.s.)
Sebire et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 410 (71) Exercisers (Mean 41.4 yr) UK Exercise need satisfaction (PNSE) : Exercise need satisfaction (composite score) (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Milne et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 558 F Breast cancer survivors (Mean 59 yr) Australia Perceived competence (PCS) : Competence (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ); Exercise categories (meeting vs. not meeting guidelines) Anovas; Hierarchical regression analysis
: Competence (+)
Halvary et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 190 (44) Healthy adults (Mean 21.8 yr) Norway Perceived competence (PCS) : Competence (n.s.) Exercise frequency and duration Bivariate correlations; SEM/Mediation analysis
: Competence (+)
Vlachopoulos & Michailidou, 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 508 (50) Greek adults (Mean 30 yr) Greece Psychological needs satisfaction in exercise (BPNES) : Autonomy (n.s.), Competence (+); Relatedness (n.s.) Exercise frequency SEM
Markland & Tobin, 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 133 F Exercise referral scheme clients UK Autonomy need (LCE); Perceived Competence (IMI); Relatedness (8-item scale) : Autonomy (+), Competence (+), Relatedness (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Russell & Bray, 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional and prospective (6 + 6wk) 68 (13) Cardiac rehabilitation outpatients (Mean 64.9 yr) Canada Exercise need satisfaction (PNSE) : Autonomy (n.s.), Competence (+)*, Relatedness (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (7Day-PAR) at 3wk and 6wk* follow-up Bivariate correlations
Barbeau et al., 2009 [ ] Prospective (1mo) 118 (65) Healthy adults (Mean 19 yr) Canada Exercise need satisfaction (PNSES) : Autonomy (+), Competence (+), Relatedness (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Hagger et al., 2006 [ ] Prospective (4 wk) 261 (64) Exercise sample of university students (Mean 24.9 yr) UK Psychological need satisfaction : Psychological need satisfaction (composite score) (+) Self-reported exercise (frequency). Bivariate correlations
Edmunds et al., 2007 [ ] Prospective (uncontrolled intervention) (3mo) 49 (84) OW/Obese patients (BMI: 38.75; Mean 45 yr) UK Psychological need satisfaction (PNSS) : Autonomy (n.s.), Competence (n.s.); Relatedness (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ); (Increase in relatedness overtime) Multilevel regression analysis; Paired T-tests
Fortier et al., 2007 [ ] Experimental (13 wk); RCT 120 (69) Healthy adults (Mean 47.3 yr) Canada Perceived Competence (PCES) : Competence (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Path analysis; Mediation analysis
Levy & Cardinal, 2004 [ ] Experimental (2mo); RCT 185 (68) Adults (Mean 46.8 yr); SDT-based mail intervention vs. controls USA Perceived autonomy satisfaction (LCE) : Autonomy (+ F), Competence (n.s.), Relatedness (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Manovas with repeated measures
Silva et al., 2010 [ ] Experimental (12mo); RCT 239 F OW/Obese women (Mean BMI: 31.5; Mean 38 y); SDT-based weight loss treatment vs controls Portugal Perceived autonomy satisfaction (LCE); Competence (IMI) : Autonomy (+), Competence (+) Self-reported exercise: MVPA (7-day PAR); lifestyle PA index Bivariate correlations
Ingledew et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 251 (52) University Students (Mean 19.5 yr) UK Exercise motives (EMI-2) : Intrinsic motives: Stress management (+), Affiliation (+), Challenge (+); Extrinsic: Health/fitness (+); body-related (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (measure analogous to LTEQ) Partial Least Squares Analysis (PLS); Mediation analysis
Ingledew & Markland, 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 252 (48) Office workers (Mean 40 yr) UK Exercise motives (EMI-2) : Intrinsic motives (n.s.), Extrinsic motives: health/fitness (+) and body-related (−) Self-reported exercise (measure analogous to LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Frederick & Ryan, 1993 [ ] Cross-sectional 376 (64) Healthy individuals (Mean 39 yr) USA Exercise motives (MPAM) Intrinsic motives: interest/enjoyment (+); competence (+); Extrinsic motives: body-related (+) Self-reported exercise (levels, intensity) Differences between PA categories; correlations and Manovas
Frederick et al., 1996 [ ] Cross-sectional 118 (68) College students (Mean 22 yr) USA Exercise motives (MPAM-r) : Extrinsic: body-related (+ M) Self-reported exercise: frequency, volume Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis
: Intrinsic motives (+ F), Extrinsic: body-related (+ M)
Buckworth et al., 2007 [ ] a Cross-sectional 184;220 (60) University students (Mean 18–22 yr) USA Exercise motives (EMI and IMI; total and subscales) Intrinsic motives (except choice) (+); Extrinsic motives (except tangible rewards) (+) Exercise stages of change Anovas and profile analysis
Sebire et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 400 (73) Exercisers (Mean 41.4 yr) UK Exercise goal content (GCEQ) : Intrinsic motives (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations; Hierarchical regression analysis
: Intrinsic motives (+)
Segar et al., 2006 [ ] Cross-sectional 59 F Healthy adults (Mean 45.6 yr) USA Body and non-body shape motives for exercise (via inductive, qualitative methods) : Body motives (−); non-body shape motives (+). Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Hierarchical regression analysis
Sit et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 360 F Chinese adults (30–59 yr) China Exercise motives (MPAM-r) : Intrinsic motives : competence/challenge (+), interest/enjoyment (+); Extrinsic: fitness/health (+); appearance (n.s.) Exercise stages of change Manovas
Davey et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 134 (66) Employees (estimated mean age between 25–44 yr) New Zeland Exercise motives (based on MPAM-r and SMS) : Intrinsic motives: enjoyment (+), competence/challenge (+); Extrinsic: appearance (−); Fitness (n.s.) Total number of steps in 3wk Multiple regression analysis
Segar et al., 2008 [ ] Prospective 156 F Healthy women (Mean 49.3 yr) USA Extrinsic and Intrinsic goals (based on a list of goals and on cluster analysis) : Intrinsic goals (+); Extrinsic goals: weight maintenance/toning (−); health benefits (−) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Linear mixed model
Ingledew et al., 1998 [ ] Prospective (3mo) 425 (34) Government employees (Mean 40 yr) UK Exercise motives (EMI-2) : Intrinsic motives: enjoyment (+); Extrinsic: body-related (+ action; - maintenance); health pressures (+ preparation; - action/maintenance) Exercise stages of change Discriminant function analysis
Ryan et al., 1997 [ ] a Prospective (10wk) 40 (80) University students and employees (Mean 21 yr) USA Exercise motives (MPAM) : Intrinsic motives: enjoyment (+), competence (+); body-related motives (n.s.) Reduced dropout and attendance to exercise classes Manovas and multiple regressions
Ryan et al., 1997 [ ] b Prospective (10wk) 155 (57) New fitness center members (Mean 19.5 yr) USA Exercise motives (MPAM-R) : Intrinsic motives: enjoyment (+), competence (+), social interactions (+); Extrinsic motives: fitness (n.s.), appearance (n.s.) Attendance to and duration of exercise workout Manovas and multiple regressions
Buckworth et al., 2007 [ ] b Experimental (10wk) 142 (66) College Students (Mean 21.3 yr) USA Exercise motives (EMI and IMI); : Intrinsic motives: effort/competence (+) and interest/enjoyment (+); Extrinsic motives: appearance (+) * Exercise patterns (from stable inactive to stable active); Activity vs. Lecture (no activity) Classes * Anovas with repeated measures.
Peddle et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 413 (46) Colorectal cancer survivors (Mean 60 yr) Canada Perceived need support (PAS, based on HCCQ-short) : Need support (+) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Milne et al., 2008 [ ] Cross-sectional 558 F Breast cancer survivors (Mean 59 yr) Australia Perceived need support (mHCCQ) : Need support (+)
: Need support (+)
Self-reported exercise (LTEQ); exercise categories (meeting vs. not meeting guidelines) Anovas; Hierarchical regression analysis
Hurkmans et al., 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 271 (66) Patients with Rheumatoid Arthritis (Mean 62 yr) Netherlands Perceived need support (HCCQ-mod) : Need support (n.s.) Self-reported PA (SQUASH) Bivariate correlations; Multiple regression analysis
: Need support (n.s.)
Halvary et al., 2009 [ ] Cross-sectional 190 (44) Healthy adults (Mean 21.8 yr) Norway Perceived need support (SCQ based on HCCQ) : Need support (+) Exercise frequency and duration Bivariate correlations
Markland & Tobin, 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 133 F Exercise referral scheme clients UK Need support (15-item scale) : Need support (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Puente & Anshel, 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional 238 (57) College students (Mean 20.4 yr) USA Exercise need support (SCQ) : Need support (+) Exercise frequency Bivariate correlations
Russel & Bray, 2010 [ ] Cross-sectional and prospective (14wk) 53 M Exercise cardiac rehabilitation patients (Mean 62.8 yr) Canada Perceived need support (HCCQ-short) : Need support (n.s.) Exercise frequency; duration (+); volume – 7Day-PAR Bivariate correlations; Hierarchical regression analysis
: Need support (+)
Levy et al., 2008 [ ] Prospective (8-10wk) 70 (37) Injured exercisers in rehabilitation (Mean 33 yr; 69% recreational) UK Perceived need support (HCCQ) : Need support (+) Exercise adherence: clinical, home-based; attendance Bivariate correlations; Manovas
: Need support (+)
Edmunds et al., 2007 [ ] Uncontrolled Prospective (3mo) 49 (84) OW/Obese patients (BMI: 38.75; Mean 45 yr) on an exercise scheme UK Perceived need support (HCCQ) : Need support (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (LTEQ); Multilevel regression analysis
Fortier et al., 2007 [ ] Experimental (13 wk); RCT 120 (69) Autonomy supportive vs. brief PA counseling (Mean 47.3 yr) Canada Perceived need support (HCCQ) : Need support Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Bivariate correlations
Mildestvedt et al., 2008 [ ] Experimental (4wk); RCT 176 (22) Cardiac rehabilitation patients (Mean 56 yr): autonomy supportive vs. standard rehab Norway Perceived need support (mHCCQ) : Need support (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (composite score); exercise intensity Manovas with repeated measures
Silva et al., 2010 [ ] Experimental (12mo); RCT 239 F OW/Obese women (Mean BMI: 31.5; Mean 38 y): SDT-based WL treatment vs. controls Portugal Perceived need support (HCCQ) : Need support (+) Self-reported exercise: MVPA (7-day PAR); lifestyle PA index Bivariate correlations; PLS/mediation analysis
: Need support (+)
Silva et al., 2010 [ ] Experimental (1 yr + 2y follow-up); RCT 221 F OW/Obese women (Mean BMI: 31.5; Mean 38 y): SDT-based WL treatment vs. controls Portugal Perceived need support (HCCQ) : Need support (+) Self-reported exercise: MVPA (7-day PAR) Bivariate correlations
Rose et al., 2005 [ ] Cross-sectional 375 (51) Volunteers (17–60 yr) UK Exercise causality orientations (ECOS) : Autonomy O. (+), Controlling O. (− F), and Impersonal O. (−) Exercise stages of change Discriminant function analysis. Gender differences
Kwan et al., 2011[ ] Prospective (4 wk) 104 (58) Undergraduate students; active (Mean 18.2 yr) USA Exercise causality orientations (ECOS) : Autonomy O. (+), Controlling O. (−), and Impersonal O. (n.s.) Self-reported exercise (online diary) Bivariate correlations
Edmunds et al., 2008 [ ] Experimental (10wk) 55 F Exercisers (Mean 21 yr) UK Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2); Need support (PESS); Basic needs (PNSS); Exercise attendance Groups: SDT-based exercise classes vs. traditional exercise classes Higher perceived need support, autonomy and relatedness needs; Competence (+), INTRO (+) and amotivation (−) overtime for both groups Higher exercise attendance Multilevel regression analysis
Fortier et al., 2007 [ ] Experimental (13wk); RCT 120 (69) Healthy adults (Mean 47.3 yr) Canada Exercise self-regulations (TSRQ-PA); Perceived Competence (PCES); Need Support (HCCQ); Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Groups: autonomy supportive vs. brief PA counseling Higher perceived need support, autonomous motivation overtime Higher reported exercise overtime Ancovas
Fortier et al., 2011 [ ] Experimental (13wk); RCT 120 (69) Inactive primary care patients (Mean 47.3 yr): intensive vs. brief PA counseling intervention Canada Exercise self-regulations (BREQ-2); Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Groups: autonomy supportive - intensive vs. brief PA counseling Higher perceived need support, autonomous motivation overtime Higher reported exercise overtime Ancovas
Mildestvedt et al., 2008 [ ] Experimental (4wk); RCT 176 (22) Cardiac rehabilitation patients (Mean 56 yr): autonomy supportive vs. standard rehab Norway Exercise self-regulations (TSRQ); Perceived need support (mHCCQ); Self-reported exercise Groups: autonomy supportive vs. standard rehab No significant differences No significant differences Anovas with repeated measures
Levy & Cardinal, 2004 [ ] Experimental (2mo); RCT 185 (68) Adults (Mean 46.8 yr); SDT-based mail intervention vs. controls USA Exercise self-regulations (EMS); Perceptions of autonomy (LCE); Competence (PSPP); Self-reported exercise (LTEQ) Groups: SDT-based mail vs. controls Women only: increase in perception of autonomy Women only: increase self-reported exercise Anovas with repeated measures
Silva et al., 2010 [ ] Experimental (12mo); RCT 239 F OW/Obese women (Mean BMI: 31.5; Mean 38 y); RCT Portugal Exercise self-regulations (SRQ-E); Need support (HCCQ); Perceived autonomy (LCE); Self-reported exercise (MVPA, lifestyle, steps) Groups: SDT-based weight loss treatment vs. controls Higher need supportive climate, autonomy satisfaction, IM, IDENT, INTRO Higher reported exercise (all measures) Effect sizes; T-tests
Silva et al., 2011 [ ]Experimental (1 yr + 2y follow-up); RCT221 FOW/Obese women (Mean BMI: 31.5; Mean 38 y); RCTPortugalExercise self-regulations (SRQ-E) at 1 yr and 2 yr; Need support (HCCQ); Self-reported exercise (MVPA)Groups: SDT-based weight loss treatment vs. controlsHigher 2-yr EXT, INTRO and autonomous regulationsHigher 2-yr reported exerciseEffect sizes; T-tests

Legend: F, female; M, male ; BIV, uni/bivariate associations; MV, multivariate associations; IM, intrinsic motivation; INTEG, integrated regulation; ID, identified regulation; INTR, introjected regulation; EXT, external regulation; AMOT, amotivation; RAI, relative autonomy index; AutMot, autonomous motivations; CtMot, controlled motivations; Autonomy O., autonomy orientation; Controlling O., controlling orientation; Impersonal O., impersonal orientation; (+), positive association; (-), negative association; (n.s.), not significant. Superscript letters are used to signal associations between specific predictors and outcomes (check the ‘significant predictors’ and ‘outcomes’ columns when applied). (*) is used when specific comments need to be made (check the ‘observations’ column on those cases).

Organization of SDT predictors

Studies were generally organized based on the self-determination theory process model, depicted in Figure ​ Figure1. 1 . The goal of the present manuscript was not to test this model per se , which would involve a considerably larger analysis. Instead, we focused exclusively on relations between each of these categories of variables and exercise outcomes (described below). Results concerning exercise self-regulations are listed first, followed by findings reporting the association between psychological needs satisfaction and exercise behavioral outcomes. Next, results concerning the measures of exercise motives/goals are reported, followed by findings regarding the association between perceived need support and exercise. Exercise causality orientation studies are listed last. In addition, we also identified interventions based on SDT and analyzed their effects on exercise outcomes.

Exercise-related outcomes

Exercise behavior was evaluated through self-reported measures (e.g., 7-day Physical Activity Recall (PAR) [ 25 ], Godin Leisure-Time Exercise Questionnaire (LTEQ) [ 26 ]) in a total of 55 independent samples (78%). Three studies (representing 4 original samples) used accelerometry or pedometry to measure physical activity (6%). Measures of stages of change for exercise participation were employed in 13 samples (18%). A few other indicators were also used in some cases (8%), namely exercise attendance, number of exercise relapses, and exercise dropout.

Data coding and analyses

Summary tables were created based on the analysis of the available data (Tables ​ (Tables2 2 and ​ and3). 3 ). Sample characteristics (i.e., sample size, age, gender) were summarized using a tallying system and resulted in total counts (see Table ​ Table2). 2 ). The percentage of independent samples presenting each characteristic from the total number of samples was also included. A summary of the evidence for each SDT-based construct was determined through a calculation of the percentage of independent samples supporting each association, based on whether the association was statistically significant or not (see Table ​ Table3). 3 ). In all studies, significance level was set at 0.05. The measures of association varied across the studies’ statistical methods, as indicated in the column “observations” in Table ​ Table1, 1 , including correlation and multiple regression coefficients, t -test or ANOVA group differences (e.g., between active and inactive groups), discriminant function coefficients, and structural equation model path coefficients, among others. Because many studies included bivariate associations (or direct paths in structural models) and also multivariate associations (in regression or in structural models), these were analyzed separately (see Table ​ Table2). 2 ). A sum code was built for each motivational construct based on the following classification system: Positive (++) for percentage K ≥75% and (+) for percentage K between 50-75% showing positive associations in both bivariate and multivariate tests; 0/+ or 0/- when the evidence was split between no association (0) and either positive or negative associations, respectively; and (?) for other results indicating inconsistent findings or indeterminate results due to a small number of studies available).

Summary of samples characteristics

Sample size  
< 100 13 (18.0)
100-300 38 (52.8)
300-500 12 (16.7)
≥ 500 9 (12.5)
Gender  
Women only 11 (15.3)
Men only 1 (1.4)
Men and Women – Combined 46 (63.9)
Men and Women – Separately 14 (19.4)
Location  
Western countries 70 (97.2)
Non-western countries 2 (2.8)
Mean age, years  
≤24 21 (29.2)
25-44 28 (38.8)
45-64 22 (30.6)
≥ 65 1 (1.4)
Design  
Cross-Sectional 45 (62.5)
Longitudinal – Observational 16 (22.2)
Longitudinal – Experimental 9 (12.5)
Mixed Method 2 (2.8)
Exercise Data Collection  
Self-reported Exercise 56 (77.8)
Exercise Stages of Change 13 (18.1)
Accelerometry/pedometry 4 (5.6)
Other* 6 (8.3)
Total 72

Note: *Exercise relapses, weekly attendance, exercise adherence (home; clinical), exercise dropout.

Summary of associations between SDT predictors and exercise-related outcomes

    
Exercise Regulations/Motivations
Intrinsic motivation 26 (22) 37 (24) 62 (92) 0 (0) 38 (8)
Integrated regulation 6 (3) 8 (4) 62 (75) 0 (0) 38 (25)
Identified regulation 27 (24) 38 (26) 74 (85) 2 (0) 24 (15)
Introjected regulation 26 (25) 37 (27) 30 (52) 5 (4) 65 (44)
External regulation 26 (24) 37 (26) 0 (0) 43 (23) 57 (77)
Amotivation 10 (11) 14 (13) 0 (0) 36 (69) 64(31)
Relative autonomy (e.g., RAI) 8 (13) 8 (12) 88 (83) 0 (0) 12 (17)
Autonomous regulations 10 (10) 11 (11) 91 (82) 0 (0) 9 (18)
Controlled regulations 4 (6) 5 (7) 0 (0) 60 (0) 40 (100)
Need-Supportive Climate 6 (11) 6 (11) 50 (73) 0 (0) 50 (27)
Psychological Needs in Exercise
Autonomy 4 (9) 5 (10) 20 (50) 20 (0) 60 (50)
Competence 8 (12) 9 (13) 56 (92) 0 (0) 44 (8)
Relatedness 4 (7) 4 (8) 0 (38) 0 (0) 100 (62)
Composite score* 0 (2) 0 (2) 0 (100) 0 (0) 0 (0)
Exercise Motives/Goals
Intrinsic 7 (5) 8 (8) 100 (75) 0 (0) 0 (25)
Health/fitness 6 (1) 6 (1) 33 (100*) 33 (0) 33 (0)
Body-related 7 (5) 8 (8) 25 (63) 25 (12) 50 (25)
Exercise Causality Orientations
Autonomy* 1 (1) 2 (1) 100 (100) 0 (0) 0 (0)
Controlling* 1 (1) 2 (1) 0 (0) 50 (100) 50 (0)
Impersonal*1 (1)2 (1)0 (0)100 (0)0 (100)

Legend: Results derived from multivariate analyses and uni/bivariate analyses (in parenthesis) are presented. K , number of samples. Positive (++) was used for percentage K ≥75% and (+) for percentage K between 50-75% for both bivariate and multivariate associations; 0/+ or 0/- when the evidence was split between no association (0) and either positive or negative associations, respectively; (?) for other results indicating inconsistent findings or indeterminate results (i.e., when only a small number of studies were available, marked with *).

Characteristics of studies and samples

The 66 located studies comprised a total of 72 independent samples. The number of samples was higher than the total number of studies because some studies analyzed data originating from more than one sample (two samples: [ 27 ], [ 28 ], [ 29 ]; three samples: [ 30 ]; six samples: [ 31 ]). On the other hand, 7 studies were published using data from three original samples ([ 18 , 33 , 32 ]; [ 35 , 34 ]; [ 17 , 36 ]). A summary of the demographic characteristics of participants and samples is reported in Table ​ Table2. 2 . Samples tended to be mixed gender and included a range of populations (e.g., healthy individuals, chronic disease patients, overweight/obese individuals, exercisers), predominantly from Western cultures (97%), and mainly aged between 25–65 years-old.

From the studies eligible for this review, 53 ( K  = 57) analyzed associations between self-regulations and exercise behavioral outcomes, 17 studies ( K  = 17) investigated the relations between basic psychological needs and exercise, 12 studies ( K  = 15) tested the associations between motives and exercise, and 13 studies ( K  = 12) included measures of perceived need support and evaluated its predictive effect on exercise-related outcomes (see Table ​ Table3). 3 ). Seven intervention studies, corresponding to 6 actual interventions, were identified. It should be noted that relations reported in the intervention studies were also analyzed in the other sections (e.g., regulations, need support, etc.)

Motivational predictors of exercise-related outcomes

Exercise behavioral regulations. A total of 57 samples (53 studies) analyzed associations between regulations and exercise behavior. Of these, 37 were used in cross-sectional designs, 10 in prospective designs, 7 in experimental studies, and 2 in mixed designs. Regulations were assessed with different instruments (53% with the Behavioural Regulation in Exercise Questionnaire (BREQ) and with Markland and Tobin’s revised version (BREQ-2) [ 37 ] and reported results in several ways: Relative autonomy was evaluated as a composite score (e.g., the Relative Autonomy Index (RAI), by which individual regulations are weighted and summed to give an index of the extent to which a person’s behavior is more or less autonomously regulated) in 23% of the cases (none of which were experimental designs); autonomous and controlled regulations were grouped and analyzed as two higher-level types of regulation in 21% and 14% of the cases, respectively. All major forms of regulation were assessed and discriminated in 71% of the cases.

Nearly all studies using measures of relative autonomy (8 of 9  K ) reported positive associations with exercise behavior while studies investigating autonomous and controlled forms of regulation ( K =  11 and K =  5, respectively) also found consistent, positive associations favoring autonomous regulations as a predictor of exercise outcomes (82/91%, depending on whether bivariate or multivariate analysis is used). On the other hand, 3 independent samples (60%) showed negative associations in multivariate models for non self-determined regulations, all others (40%) showing no association. In bivariate analyses, results for controlled regulations unanimously showed no association. Results were similar across different study designs, suggesting consistent positive effects of autonomous regulations on exercise behavior, and either negative or null effects associated with controlled regulations. In one study with longer-term follow-up measurements, prospective associations between regulations and exercise behavior were reported [ 33 ] (see also Figure ​ Figure2). 2 ). The authors found that both 12 and 24-month autonomous regulations, but not controlled regulations, mediated the effects of a SDT-based intervention on self-reported exercise at 24 months [ 32 ].

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Title. Self-reported minutes of moderate and vigorous exercise per week as a function of exercise autonomous motivation. Analysis includes 141 participants of the PESO trial [ 67 ] and data reports to variables assessed at 12 months (intervention end), 24 months (1 year follow-up with no contact) and 36 months (2-year follow-up). The time-point values in exercise and motivational variables at each assessment period were used (not change). Values used for tertile-split groups of autonomous motivation were calculated including all subjects (intervention and control groups collapsed), adjusting for experimental group membership. Autonomous motivation includes the identified regulation and intrinsic motivation subscales of the Exercise Self-Regulation Questionnaire [ 84 ]. Self-reported exercise was assessed with the 7-day Physical Activity Recall interview [ 25 ] and quantifies moderate and vigorous structured physical activity (METs > 3) performed in the previous week (or typical of the previous month if previous week was atypical, see reference 27 for more details). Panels B, D, and F show cross-sectional associations (variables assessed at the same time point) and panels A, C, and E show “prospective” associations (motivation assessed one year earlier than exercise). F for one-way ANOVA with letters in bar indicating multiple comparisons with Bonferroni post-hoc tests (different letters indicate different means, p < .05).

Specific results concerning the separate autonomous types of motivation showed positive associations between identified regulation and exercise behavior in 28 samples (74%) in multivariate analyses and 22 samples (85%) in bivariate analyses. The only exception was a study by Moreno et al. where the mean value for identified regulation was lower in a group reporting 60+ min of exercise than among those who exercised less than 60 min (presumably each day; no details are provided). Of note also are the mixed results found by Edmunds et al. (2007) displaying negative associations for identified regulations in a multilevel model, but positive cross-sectional associations at each of the 3 times points. The authors indicated that the multilevel results “should be ignored as they are a consequence of net suppression” [ 38 ]; pg.737]. In 3 studies that analyzed identified regulations [ 36 , 40 , 39 ], no significant association emerged. Regarding intrinsic motivation, positive associations with exercise behavior were reported in 23 or 22 independent samples (62% or 92%), in multivariate or bivariate analyses respectively. No study reported negative associations and results were consistent independent of study design. Few studies have tested the role of integrated regulation, but it appears to positively predict exercise behavior. Of 8 samples analyzed, 62-75% found positive associations with physical activity, with increased consistency found in bivariate analyses.

In an attempt to further clarify which single self-determined type of motivation is more closely related with behavior outcomes, a comparative analysis between identified and intrinsic motivation findings was undertaken. Twenty-five studies ( K =  31) reported significant associations for both variables, of which 12  K were derived from multivariate analysis, 5  K from correlational analysis, and 4  K from both types of analysis. Seven studies ( K =  7) found associations for identified regulation in multivariate analysis, but only bivariate associations for intrinsic motivation [ 44 , 45 , 43 , 42 , 41 ]. Three studies/samples showed the converse [ 48 , 47 , 33 ], reporting associations for intrinsic motivation in multivariate analysis and only correlational bivariate associations for identified regulation. It should be noted that no study tested whether the differences between the association coefficients (for identified regulation vs. intrinsic motivation) with exercise were significant. Wilson et al. (2002) investigated bivariate predictors of different physical activity intensities [ 49 ] and found that at mild intensities, associations were significant only for identified regulation; for moderately intense and strenuous exercise, both identified regulation and intrinsic motivation were significant predictors. Three additional studies/samples showed significant associations only for identified regulation [ 50 , 51 , 38 ]. In another study ( K =  1) this regulation was the only variable predicting fewer exercise relapses [ 52 ]. On the other hand, two studies found significant associations only for intrinsic motivation [ 54 , 53 ].

For integrated regulation, only 6 studies ( K  = 8) were available. Comparing results for integrated versus identified regulations no differences were found in the patterns of association for all but one study [ 85 ] where there was a significant bivariate association with exercise for integrated but not identified regulation. Comparing results between integrated regulation and intrinsic motivation, two studies show integrated regulation, but not intrinsic motivation, as a significant predictor of exercise in multivariate models [ 41 , 38 ] whereas in a different study the opposite trend was observed using bivariate associations [ 28 ].

All studies measuring stages of change for exercise participation ( K =  7) showed that autonomous regulations increased across stages, being the highest in the action/maintenance stages. However, only one study formally tested differences for regulations’ means across stages of change [ 52 ]. They found that for identified regulation there was a progressive increase from preparation to action to maintenance stage (ANOVA F = 25.1, p < 0.001) whereas for intrinsic motivation, maintenance had significantly higher means than both preparation and action stages (F = 27.5, p < 0.001). Five of these studies used the BREQ/BREQ-2 and 4 of these used discriminant function analysis. In these 4 studies, identified regulation loaded slightly stronger than intrinsic motivation on the primary discriminant functions distinguishing across stages of change. Authors tended to conclude that identified regulation played a more important role in exercise adherence when the full range of stages of change is considered. Finally, in a study examining change in behavioral regulations among exercise initiates, Rodgers et al. showed that both identified and intrinsic motivation increased overtime and that, compared to regular exercisers, initiates’ levels of identified and intrinsic motivations remained below regular exercisers’ levels even after 6 months of physical activity [ 31 ]. Authors also concluded that identified motivation appeared to increase faster than intrinsic motivation in these early stages of exercise adoption [ 31 ].

Results from multivariate analysis concerning the controlled types of motivation showed negative associations between external regulation and exercise behavior in 16 independent samples (43%). The remaining samples (57%) showed no associations. The trend for the absence of an association between external regulation and exercise was more apparent in bivariate analysis (77%). Regarding external regulation across stages of change, results show that external regulation generally decreases across stages, being higher in the preparation/action stages than in the maintenance stage. Furthermore, when comparing genders, results suggest that among males external regulation is negatively associated with exercise in the latter stages of change (i.e., maintenance) whereas among female there is no association at this stage.

Regarding introjected regulation, multivariate analysis showed positive associations with physical activity in 11 independent samples (30%), 1 study ( K = 2 ) found negative associations (5%) and all others showed no association (65%). Bivariate results pointed in a similar direction, but showed more positive associations (52%). Despite the positive associations with exercise behaviors, the strength of association for introjected regulation appears to be lower compared to self-determined types of motivation, as reported in several studies [e.g., [ 55 , 49 ]. A closer look into the way introjected regulation predicts exercise participation over time shows mixed findings. Rodgers et al. (2010) studied initiate exercisers and found significant, but small, increases in introjection overtime, noting that these changes occurred mainly in the early stages of exercise participation [ 31 ]. Increases in introjected regulation were also observed across stages of change in 5 of 7 independent samples, although these were only significant in one case [e.g., [ 52 ]. In contrast, Silva and colleagues showed that although introjected regulation was cross-sectionally associated with exercise at 12- and 24-month time points, 12-month regulation did not prospectively predict (nor did it mediate) 24-month exercise outcomes [ 33 , 32 ].

A possible gender effect might be relevant to understand these mixed findings regarding introjected regulations. In effect, a closer examination of all the studies that explored gender differences with respect to the association between exercise regulations and behavior suggests that introjected regulation may be more positively associated with exercise among females, whereas among males the association is negative or zero [e.g., [ 45 , 41 ]. Within the studies examining differences across stages, results suggest that introjection is relevant for both genders in the action stage, but that in the maintenance stage it is more relevant for women than for men [ 56 , 55 ]. It should be noted that only two studies reported associations for men: one showed a positive association in the action stage and negative in the maintenance stage [ 55 ] and another study showed a tendency towards a positive association in the action/maintenance stage [ 57 ]. For studies with mixed samples and not reporting gender differences (the majority) the associations are mixed. Experimental studies confirm this pattern of mixed results, some showing increases in introjected regulation over the course of an exercise program [e.g., [ 39 ] and some showing no significant changes [e.g., [ 58 ]. One notes that null or unreliable results from introjection are theoretically expected within SDT, in which introjection is seen as an unstable basis for motivation without positive long-term utility.

Regarding amotivation, 5 independent samples (36%) showed negative associations with exercise outcomes in multivariate analysis; the remaining studies ( K =  9) showed no associations. Correlational analysis showed negative associations in 9 samples (69%) and no association in 4 samples (31%).

Need satisfaction. A total of 17 samples/studies were used to analyze the associations between basic psychological needs and exercise behavior. Ten samples were evaluated in cross-sectional designs, 3 within prospective studies and 3 in experimental designs. One study used mixed methods (cross-sectional and prospective). Different instruments were used to assess basic needs, a fact that does not facilitate the comparison of results between studies. The Psychological Need Satisfaction for Exercise Scale [ 16 ] was adopted in 24% of the cases and was the most frequently used measure. Competence was assessed in 14 (82%) independent samples, autonomy in 11 (65%) samples, and relatedness in 9 (53%) independent samples. An examination of the specific multivariate results for each basic need showed that perceived competence was positively associated with physical activity in 56% of the independent samples, while the remaining samples showed no association (44%). The pattern of association was much clearer in correlational analysis with 12 samples (92%) reporting positive associations. Regarding autonomy need satisfaction, findings were mixed and generally ranged from no association (60% in multivariate analysis) to moderate positive or negative associations (20% for each). Nevertheless, positive correlations were reported in 5 studies/samples (50%) using bivariate analysis. Regarding relatedness, multivariate results consistently reported an absence of associations with exercise behavior ( K =  4, 100%). Correlations showed a similar pattern, even though a general trend towards a positive association with exercise behavior was identified (38%). No negative associations with exercise outcomes were observed for the perceived fulfillment of any of the 3 needs. A composite score was created to assess overall exercise psychological need satisfaction in 2 (of 17) samples; positive associations with exercise behavior were reported in both cases.

Exercise motives. A total of 12 studies ( K =  15) investigated the associations between motives (or goal contents) and exercise behavior. Of these studies, 8 were cross-sectional, 3 prospective, and 1 used a mixed design (cross-sectional and experimental). Regarding the instruments used to measure exercise motives, there is some inconsistency: the Motives for Physical Activity Measure (MPAM) or MPAM revised/adapted versions [ 59 , 27 ] of it were used in 6 independent samples (40%), 3 samples (20%) measured exercise motives using the Exercise Motivations Inventory - 2 (EMI-2) [ 60 ], and in other 3 samples (20%) the Intrinsic Motivation Inventory (IMI) [ 61 ] was employed to evaluate intrinsic motives and the Extrinsic Motivation Inventory (Lee’s EMI) [ 62 ] to measure extrinsic motives. Sebire and colleagues (2009) [ 19 ] used the recently developed Goal Content for Exercise Questionnaire [ 63 ] while Segar and colleagues used an inductive, qualitative method to assess exercise motives in one study [ 64 ], and performed a cluster analysis to identify homogeneous groups of goals, intrinsic and extrinsic, in another study [ 65 ].

Multivariate results showed that intrinsic motives (e.g., challenge, affiliation, enjoyment) were positively associated with exercise behavior in all samples ( K =  8, 100%). A similar trend was observed in correlations (75%). Regarding body-related motives, multivariate findings were mixed regardless of the statistical analysis performed: in multivariate analysis, 25% of the samples showed positive associations and 25% reported negative associations; in correlational analysis, a general trend towards a positive association was identified (63%). The pattern of association was less clear for health/fitness motives with 33% showing positive associations, 33% showing negative associations, and other 33% not finding any association. There was only one study/sample performing correlational analysis to explore the links between health motives and exercise [ 46 ]; positive associations were reported. As expected from theory, controlled motives (social recognition, appearance/weight) did not predict, or negatively predicted, exercise participation [ 46 ].

Perceived need support. Environments perceived as more need-supportive were positively associated with increased levels of self-reported physical activity in 3 (of 6) independent samples tested with multivariate analysis (50%). This increased to 73% ( K =  8) in correlational analysis. The remaining studies/samples showed no association. In the majority (67%) of independent samples perceived need support was assessed using the Health Care Climate Questionnaire [ 66 ].

SDT-based Interventions. To date, only a few interventions have been designed to promote exercise-related behaviors by specifically increasing personal autonomy in the form of exercise autonomous self-regulation in adults [e.g., [ 17 , 40 , 68 , 39 , 67 , 69 ]. Some of these trials are still ongoing and all have been conducted in Western cultures. Of 7 interventions (with available data), 6 (86%) found significant differences favoring the SDT-based intervention group for perceived autonomy support, need satisfaction, and autonomous and introjected regulations for exercise, as well as greater self-reported exercise. In addition, one of these interventions found gender differences, reporting significant increases in perceived autonomy support and self-reported exercise only for women [ 40 ]. In contrast, there was one study in a clinical setting that did not find significant differences in perceived autonomy support and exercise behavior between autonomy support group and controls [ 68 ]. The authors argued that their additional individual SDT-based 4-week intervention, added to standard cardiac rehabilitation, might have been too limited (i.e., an insufficient number of sessions) to achieve significant between-group differences.

Edmunds and colleagues tested a SDT-based intervention in an exercise setting, examining the effect of an autonomy-supportive teaching style on female exercisers’ psychological needs, motivational regulations, and exercise behaviors during a 10-wk exercise program [ 39 ]. They found that the intervention increased autonomous self-regulation, need satisfaction, and attendance [ 39 ]. Although not a randomized controlled trial, results were similar to those obtained in several RCTs. For instance, Fortier et al. [ 17 ] tested an autonomy-promoting counseling protocol for promoting physical activity in sedentary primary care patients in a 13-week RCT. Results showed that the intervention was successful in changing autonomous self-regulation to reach activity goals (vs. a brief counseling protocol) and that higher autonomous regulation for exercise mid-intervention predicted higher levels of physical activity at the end of the intervention in the intervention group. The longest RCT to date to evaluate autonomy support, need satisfaction, motivation, and exercise behaviors was implemented in 239 overweight women, through 30 weekly group sessions for about 1 year, with a 2-year follow-up [ 67 ]. A few features of this study clearly distinguish it from the remaining intervention studies reviewed (see Table ​ Table2, 2 , table VI): larger sample, considerably longer intervention and follow-up assessments up to 3 years, and the use of mediation analysis to predict long-term changes in physical activity. Results showed that the intervention was perceived as need-supportive, it increased perceptions of competence and autonomy for exercise, increased autonomous regulations (and to a lesser degree introjected regulation, but not external regulation), and increased exercise behavior [ 18 ]. Exercise level was clearly associated with level of autonomous motivation for all subjects, both concurrently and prospectively, as depicted in Figure ​ Figure2. 2 . Only autonomous regulations were found to mediate the intervention effect on exercise in the long-term [ 33 , 32 ].

The aim of this review was to examine the empirical literature on the relations between SDT-based constructs and exercise and physical activity. The review demonstrates the recent growth in the application of this theory to the study of exercise and physical activity motivation, with 53 of the 66 papers identified being published in the last five years. The theory has been applied to a wide range of physical activity contexts including recreational exercise, weight loss programs and clinical populations, and across a range of ages. The majority of studies employed cross-sectional designs but comparable results are found across cross-sectional, prospective, and experimental designs.

Behavioral regulation and exercise

The vast majority of studies included an examination of the relations between behavioral regulation and exercise behavior. Of these, most included some or all of the individual regulations specified within SDT whereas others have collapsed autonomous and controlled forms of regulation into summary scales or adopted the RAI. The results show consistent support for a positive relation between more autonomous forms of motivation and exercise behavior, whether single regulation, summary measures, or the RAI are used. Intervention studies are also clearly supportive as are studies examining the endorsement of different forms of behavioral regulation across the stages of change, consistently showing that more self-determined regulations distinguish between individuals in the later stages from those in the early stages.

When considering the more autonomous forms of behavioral regulation separately, positive associations for identified regulation are found slightly more consistently in comparison to intrinsic motivation in multivariate analyses, whereas intrinsic motivation is somewhat more consistently predictive of exercise behavior in bivariate analyses. A similar trend was found for integrated regulation versus intrinsic motivation, but based on much fewer studies. This could be interpreted as suggesting that, independent of other regulatory motives, identified regulation (or integrated regulation) is the single best correlate of exercise. This notwithstanding, the SDT continuum of motivation [ 10 ] suggests that regulations that are more closely located in the continuum of autonomy specified by SDT (such as identified and integrated regulation, and intrinsic motivation) are expected to share some degree of variance, highlighting the theoretical expectation that regulatory factors are often simultaneously operative. This renders the question of which sub-type of autonomous motivation is more important in explaining and promoting exercise behaviors difficult to solve. Nonetheless, a number of authors have discussed this issue, attempting to explain results “favoring” either identified or intrinsic motivation. For example, Mullan et al. [ 57 ] argued that intrinsic motivation alone is unlikely to sustain long-term regular engagement in exercise, given all the organization and commitment it entails. Edmunds et al. [ 44 ] suggested that because sustaining a physically active lifestyle presumably requires a high degree of effort, often for mundane or repetitive activities, regulation by identification with the outcomes may be more important than exercising for fun and enjoyment, or to challenge oneself. Finally, Koestner and Losier (2002) proposed that in behavioral domains that require engagement in a range of different activities that vary in their intrinsic appeal, internalization of the value of the outcomes of the activities is likely to lead to greater persistence than being intrinsically motivated [ 70 ]. Clearly exercise is one such behavioral domain.

Because health promotion campaigns typically market exercise more in terms of health-related outcomes than in terms of its intrinsic value, the primary source of self-determined motivation among active individuals might derive from a valuing of these outcomes, even if they also find exercise intrinsically enjoyable [ 55 ]. Conversely, in contexts where enjoyment in and genuine interest for exercise is emphasized over the outcomes, one might expect intrinsic motivation to be more salient to individuals. In support of this, in Silva et al.’s intervention that explicitly emphasized enjoyment, mastery and challenge rather than the outcomes of exercise, intrinsic motivation was a more consistent predictor than identified regulation of moderate and vigorous exercise [ 33 ]. Clearer definitions of the nature of the exercise behaviors under investigation (type, intensity, volume, duration, time in the same activity), which may vary within and among studies, and their potential appeal to the individual may shed additional light onto this issue. Some types of physical activity may be inherently intrinsically motivating for many individuals, especially when they involve self-chosen optimal challenges that can help people enjoy the sense of autonomy and mastery, factors that underpin intrinsic motivation.

As Daley and Duda [ 55 ] point out, most of the research showing a stronger effect for identified regulation has been cross-sectional and a few studies, including experimental studies lasting for several years, have shown intrinsic motivation to be critical for longer-term engagement [ 44 , 32 ]. Furthermore, a major limitation in interpreting findings concerning a benefit for either identified regulation or intrinsic motivation is that where associations for both have been found, authors have not conducted statistical tests to determine the unique effects of each type of regulation, nor whether the larger effect is in fact statistically significant. Given also the lack of longitudinal or experimental studies to determine whether differential benefits for the two types of regulation might emerge over time, it would be advisable for the time being to recommend fostering both identification and intrinsic motivation in order to promote optimal behavioral outcomes. Both of these autonomous forms of motivation share common antecedents in terms of support for autonomy and competence. Identification could be specifically promoted by emphasizing the personal instrumental value of exercising with regard to health, optimal functioning, and quality of life. At the same time, intrinsic motivation could be promoted by emphasizing fun, skill improvement, personal accomplishment, and excitement while exercising. Furthermore, the focus should be not only on the amount of exercise performed, or long-term adherence per se , but also on the enhanced well-being and vitality associated with exercise. Indeed, intrinsic motivation has been shown to be not only related to persistence at a task but also with psychological health and improved well-being [ 15 ].

The results for more controlled forms of regulation are mixed. No studies have found a positive association for controlled motivation at the summary level of analysis, nor for external regulation at the individual regulation level. However, while a substantial number of studies found a negative association, the majority found no association. There is a trend for external regulation to be negatively associated with exercise in the later stages of change among males, but no association among females, suggesting that more active males might respond more negatively to social pressures to exercise.

Concerning introjected regulation specifically, results are split between positive and null relations with exercise, with a clear predominance of the latter in multivariate analyses. This internally controlling form of regulation is generally theorized to be associated with more maladaptive outcomes such as negative affect, feelings of guilt, and lowered self-esteem [ 12 ]. People who feel internally pressured to exercise are likely to experience some degree of guilt or shame if they do not exercise, and the potential to enjoy it and experience the positive well-being consequences of this behavior will be decreased. Furthermore, research examining the motivating forces behind exercise dependence, which is considered to be maladaptive, has found introjected regulation to be the strongest predictor of this type of dependence [ 51 ]. Nonetheless, the periodic finding of a positive relation between introjection and adaptive behavioral outcomes in both exercise and other behavioral domains has been attributed to the partial internalization of external pressures from, for example, health promotion messages [ 52 ] or parental expectations [ 71 ].

When energized primarily by introjected motives, exercise participation may occur at some cost to psychological health, a factor most exercise adherence studies have not quantified. By contrast, recent evidence in overweight women showed that a summary measure of controlled exercise regulation (including introjected and external regulation items) was unrelated to psychological well-being, although controlled motivation to participate in obesity treatment predicted lower quality of life and self-esteem, and higher state anxiety [ 72 ]. A more refined analysis of introjected forms of motivation, breaking it into an approach-orientated motivation (to seek positive feelings such as self-aggrandizement and pride) and an avoidance-oriented motivation (to avoid negative feelings such as shame, guilt, and anxiety) could help clarify the role of introjected regulation on psychological and possibly also on behavioral outcomes [ 20 ]. Introjected avoidance regulation has been shown to yield more negative psychological correlates, including less engagement in school or poorer sports performance than introjected approach regulation [ 73 ]. The former was also more strongly associated with identified regulation than the latter. To our knowledge, studies have not yet addressed the differential association of these subtypes of introjected regulation with exercise behavior adoption or persistence.

The studies reviewed here also show a trend for an increase in introjection over time in the longitudinal or experimental studies, or across stages of change. However, observed (or assumed) increases in introjection with time do not necessarily mean that this variable explains or mediates increases in exercise. For instance, introjection has been found to be significantly associated with exercise when both were measured at the same time point, but not prospectively [ 32 ], suggesting that regulation by introjection may not lead to sustained exercise behavior. Furthermore, and despite observed increases in introjected regulation as a result of an SDT-based intervention [ 18 ], only autonomous motivation was predictive of long-term moderate and vigorous exercise in mediation analysis [ 32 ]. Unfortunately, there is only one study [ 32 ] reporting such long-term prospective associations between experimentally-induced changes in motivation and exercise behavior.

Our analysis of the relation between introjection and exercise for those studies reporting associations separately for males and females provides some evidence for a gender effect. Where such effects occur, introjection appears to be more positively associated with exercise among women, whereas among men there is a negative association or no association, especially in the maintenance stage of change. Some studies also report no differences. Given the pervasive societal and media pressures on women to have a slim and toned physique [ 74 ], this is perhaps not surprising. In the majority of studies, gender differences are not reported, making it difficult to draw firm conclusions but the trends we observe here for both introjection and external regulation suggest that future research would do well to consider possible gender differences rather than assuming no such differences and collapsing data across gender.

Finally, with regard to behavioral regulations and exercise, unsurprisingly no studies found a positive association between amotivation and exercise. The remaining studies showed either a predominance of null findings (nearly 70% in multivariate analyses) or negative associations (64% in bivariate analyses). Closer examination of these studies shows a trend for a sample effect. In all five studies showing no association the samples comprised either non-exercisers or a mixture of non-exercisers and exercisers, while the majority of studies showing negative associations comprised regular exercisers. Furthermore, it is noteworthy that fewer studies have assessed amotivation in comparison to those assessing the other regulations. This is understandable given that amotivation refers to the absence of both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and represents a complete lack of self-determination and volition with respect to the target behavior [ 12 ]. Therefore one would expect to rarely see highly amotivated individuals in exercise settings. Additionally, different authors have put forth the hypothesis that individuals could also be autonomously motivated to not participate in exercise upon consideration, perhaps even when they can perceive some value in the behavior [ 7 , 20 ]. In some respect, they would be “autonomously amotivated” towards exercising. To the extent this would occur, it might also confound the association between amotivation and exercise, since these individuals might not score high on typical amotivation items such as “I don’t see the point in exercising” and “I think that exercising is a waste of time”, despite behind sedentary. It should also be noted that, empirically, it is difficult to distinguish amotivation from a lack of controlled or autonomous regulation [ 46 ]. Hence, including amotivation along with controlled and autonomous regulation in the same model might introduce a confound and could help explain the absence of associations in multivariate analyses.

Need satisfaction and exercise

Rather less attention has been paid to examining the associations between satisfaction of psychological needs and exercise than for behavioral regulations. The use of different instruments to assess basic need satisfaction (both domain-general and domain-specific measures), differences in the number of needs assessed, and their combined or separate analyses do not facilitate easy comparison of results across studies. Generally, competence satisfaction has been the most frequently assessed need and the literature shows consistent support for a positive association with exercise. In this review, twice as many studies reported bivariate associations between need satisfaction and exercise, compared to multivariate analyses. In bivariate analyses, no studies report a negative association between autonomy and exercise and the remaining results are split equally between positive and null associations whereas multivariate results are more mixed. Results for relatedness satisfaction are also mixed in bivariate analyses, although again no studies found a negative association with exercise. The exercise context might explain a lack of association for relatedness satisfaction. In some contexts, engaging in solitary exercise being the most obvious, the need for relatedness might simply not be an issue. Inconsistency in the measures used to assess the needs, and therefore their operational definitions, and a lack of applicability of particular scales to different exercise contexts might be concealing positive associations for autonomy.

In interpreting the results for need satisfaction and exercise, it is important to note that only direct effects of need satisfaction on exercise (whether from bivariate or multivariate association or direct paths in structural models) were considered in the present review, a fact that does not consider their indirect effects. In fact, theorizing within SDT stresses that the internalization of behavioral regulations is fostered by the satisfaction of basic psychological needs, and thus autonomous regulations would mediate associations between need satisfaction and behavioral outcomes. In current interpretations of mediation analysis, a significant association between an independent and a dependent variable is not a necessary condition for the possible occurrence of significant indirect (i.e., mediated) effects between them [ 75 ]. This highlights the importance of conducting more sophisticated analyses, such as path analysis or structural equation modeling, to clarify the mediating role of need satisfaction in the development of self-determined motivation. Indeed, going beyond the simple direct associations between behavioral regulations or need satisfaction and exercise (which are the main focus of this review), it is important to note that several studies have tested one or more parts of SDT’s proposed motivational sequence(s) for physical activity behaviors (see Figure ​ Figure1). 1 ). Relations from perceived autonomy support to exercise behavior, via psychological needs and regulatory styles have been tested (in part or all) in several studies and in general these confirm the proposed sequences [ 17 , 44 , 43 , 77 , 76 , 38 , 33 ]. In one case this was tested with a longitudinal randomized controlled trial using structural equation modeling [ 33 , 32 ], which empirically supported the motivational sequence proposed by SDT (i.e., need-supportive health care climate - > need satisfaction - > autonomous exercise regulation - > exercise behaviors).

Participation motives and exercise

Following some early work in the 1990s, there has been a resurgence of research in recent years on the role of exercise participation motives or goal contents. The rationale for this is that some motives (e.g., affiliation, skill development) are more intrinsically-oriented and likely to be experienced as autonomous whereas others (e.g., body-related motives such as weight or appearance management) are more extrinsic and likely to be experienced as internally controlling. Studies show a consistent positive association between more intrinsic motives and exercise. Findings for fitness/health and body-related motives are mixed. For fitness/health, although no studies found a negative association, an absence of association is more frequently found than positive associations. This might reflect different ways in which fitness/health motives have been operationalized. Health/fitness motives can reflect health pressures or threats (e.g., medical advice) or be associated with drives for thinness or an attractive image. Yet health and fitness motives can also reflect more positive concerns such as general health promotion, increasing physical strength for performing daily activities, reducing pain (e.g. lower back pain or discomfort in joints), or feeling more energy and vitality. Thus, conceptually, being concerned about health or fitness per se cannot be easily defined as either intrinsic or extrinsic, as it depends on what the motive means to the individual [ 78 ].

Similarly, results for body-related motives results are also mixed, despite a preponderance of both positive and null findings, relative to negative associations. For a more in-depth understanding of the relation between participation motives and exercise, the characteristics of exercise participation (e.g. type, intensity, total volume) and type of sample need to be taken into account. For example, Frederick and Ryan (1993) compared individuals whose primary physical activity was a sport with individuals whose primary physical activity was a non-sport fitness activity [ 59 ]. The sport participants had higher interest/enjoyment and competence motives whereas the fitness participants had higher body-related motives. Furthermore, the apparent positive (at least in the short term) role of these motives on exercise may then be mediated by the development of introjected regulation. Ingledew et al. [ 79 , 46 ] found that body related motives were associated with introjections and a recent study [ 41 ] found that introjected regulation predicted exercise intensity among females.

It is important to note, as Markland and Ingledew pointed out [ 46 ], that holding controlled motivations is not necessarily problematic, motivationally speaking, as long as self-determined regulations are also held. It has been suggested [ 20 ], for example, that a person may strive for a physically appealing body (an “extrinsic” motive) because her partner praises her good looks (controlled motivation) and at the same time she may personally value a fit appearance (autonomous motivation). Thus, although intrinsic goals tend to be pursued for autonomous reasons and extrinsic goals tend to be pursued for controlled reasons [ 81 ], the content of, and reasons for pursuing aspirations can be empirically crossed. Therefore, exercise promotion programs should take care not to explicitly or implicitly denigrate appearance/weight motive or any other motive for exercising, which may lead individuals to perceive that their autonomy is threatened, with consequent defiance and dropout [ 46 ]. Instead, acknowledging the validity of individuals’ motives in a need-supportive context may ultimately promote movement away from controlled regulations toward more autonomous commitments to be active.

Experimental studies

It is encouraging to see that in more recent years researchers have turned their attention to experimental studies evaluating interventions based on SDT principles. However, all but one were shorter than 3 months in duration and involved a small amount of contact time with the participants, in some cases amounting to approximately 2–3 in-person sessions. The remaining contacts were performed via telephone [e.g., [ 17 , 68 , 69 ], and one of these interventions relied solely on email booster messages to promote self-determined motivation and behavior change [ 40 ]. By contrast, one intervention provided substantially more contact time, (thirty 2-hour group sessions for about 1 year [ 18 , 67 ]). Not surprisingly, intensity, depth, and strategies used to promote personal autonomy and the development of intrinsic motivation for exercise also varied among these interventions. Some interventions were limited to strategies such as encouraging participants to make their own choices, providing information, setting realistic goals, and/or encouraging participants to seek and find forms of social support [e.g., [ 17 , 40 ]. Others included a more comprehensive set of strategies, more fully embracing SDT propositions [ 18 , 39 , 67 ] including providing a clear rationale for behavior change, acknowledging ambivalence and internal conflict, providing a menu of options, minimizing controlling influences (e.g., use of pressure, demands, and extrinsic rewards), and promoting competence through optimal challenge and giving informative feedback [ 18 , 33 , 32 ]. In sum, existing interventions are limited in number and highly varied. Longer and more comprehensive longitudinal interventions are needed, especially those which work toward the development of autonomous motivation, allow more time for changes in motivational and behavioral processes to take place, and assess whether those changes (and associations) persist in the long-term.

Conclusions

Overall, this review provides good evidence for the value of SDT in understanding and promoting exercise behavior. The clearest finding of this review concerns the beneficial role of developing autonomous self-regulation, be it predominantly via autonomous forms of extrinsic regulation (i.e., identified and integrated regulation) or enhanced intrinsic motivation. The present literature is consistent in showing that all forms of autonomous regulation predict exercise participation across a range of samples and settings. There is also increasing evidence that a motivational profile marked by high autonomous motivation is important to sustain exercise behaviors over time, although the pool of studies supporting this inference is limited. Longer-term studies and follow-ups will be especially important in evaluating the relative efficacy of identified versus intrinsic regulations in exercise maintenance. For the moment, evidence is consistent with the hypothesis that reporting well-internalized extrinsic regulations, such as personally valuing certain outcomes of exercise, is a particularly important factor for initial adoption (when cognitive factors such as rationally weighing pros and cons may be decisive but experiential knowledge of exercise may be limited). Conversely, there is some indication that a predominance of intrinsic motivation (i.e., valuing the actual experience of exercise) is especially important for longer-term exercise participation. It is also important to highlight the strong co-variance between identified/integrated regulations and intrinsic motivation, especially since these different forms of autonomous motivation share some common antecedents that would be applied in intervention settings.

We suspect future studies may come to identify significant moderating factors for the role of specific regulations on exercise adherence, such as age, gender, previous health conditions, or social norms and social desirability. For instance, current public campaigns against obesity may have enhanced the perceived utility of exercise for weight control and health (as a preventive or treatment “medicine”), inadvertently minimizing experiential rewards of exercise such as social interaction, expression of personal skills and abilities, self-development, or pure enjoyment. The experiential qualities of exercise were highlighted as a critical factor for adherence in a recent review of mediators of physical activity behavior change [ 82 ]. On this note, it is perhaps no coincidence that in the current public health dialogue about “exercise as medicine”, physical activities not typically associated with the term “exercise” such as playing sports, dancing, or outdoor exploration activities are rarely mentioned. From a public health/exercise promotion perspective, this could be a limiting factor if such activities, rich in their intrinsic appeal although less likely to be monitored and supervised, are not considered viable options in professionals’ exercise prescriptions or as targets of public policy promotions. Again, future research with long-term outcomes and also exploring predictors of different forms of exercise should help elucidate these issues.

Two additional conclusions can be derived from the present review. One is that having more intrinsic participation motives or goals associated with exercise, such as affiliation and social engagement, challenge, and skill development, is clearly associated with greater exercise participation. Since these motives are associated with intrinsic motivation [ 22 , 34 ], it may be especially important that health professionals are trained in distinguishing the “signs” of intrinsic (vs. extrinsic) motives in their patients and promoting them at every opportunity, aiming at long-term exercise maintenance. The other is that reporting increased perceived competence for exercise is also positively predictive of more adaptive exercise behavioral outcomes. Together, the previous findings have important implications for practice. It serves as evidence-based support for health professionals to strive not only to provide sufficient structure and optimal challenge to promote feelings of mastery and competence in their clients and patients, but also to encourage professionals to actively explore with the people they counsel reasons to be physically active that go beyond the most common motives such as improved body shape and attractiveness. Finally, as we discussed previously, the consequences of health and fitness-related motives, including weight loss, are perhaps more complex and likely moderated by other motivational aspects.

Limitations in the collective body of work are worthy of consideration as they bear on avenues for future research. A major limitation concerns the heterogeneity of the samples in the majority of studies. Heterogeneity within samples with regard to such factors as age, gender, weight or body composition, and fitness status may be contributing to variability across studies. While general motivational patterns are likely to remain constant (e.g., autonomous motivation being more likely to promote long-term exercise adherence), there may be much to learn by examining motivational profiles that are specific to different demographic groups or to individuals at different stages of change for exercise. For instance, a recent study [ 63 ] highlights the existence of different patterns of motivation between long-term exercisers versus beginners. Similarly, more enduring individual differences could be explored. Only one study has examined the relations between exercise causality orientations and exercise, and none have explored general causality orientations, despite the fact that such individual difference measures have been shown to predict adaptive outcomes in other health-related contexts [e.g., [ 108 ]. Finally, SDT has a history of strong experimental work on motivational factors but experimental work in the exercise domain itself could be expanded to better examine the causal mechanisms and process aspects of motivation for physical activity. Cross-sectional research is now abundant, and generally supportive, but it needs to be complemented with more applied intervention and translational studies that adequately model, implement, and evaluate key hypotheses about why and how individuals adopt and sustain more physically active lifestyles.

The methodology used in this review may also limit its conclusions. First, unpublished studies, evidence from grey literature, and data from non-English publications were not included. Although this is a frequent occurrence in scientific systematic review papers, it may provide an incomplete account of all studies in this area. Second, the way in which results from each study were classified and quantified (see Table ​ Table3) 3 ) is somewhat arbitrary and subject to criticism and various interpretations. Third, as stated before, the decision to only evaluate direct paths is also inherently limiting considering that the distal effects of some variables on behavior is thought to be mediated by other intermediate variables. Unfortunately, few studies are available to assess these more complete causal paths. Finally, our definition of “behavioral variable” to describe the outcome of choice, lumping together self-report and direct measures of behavior, and also attendance and stages of change is clearly not without reproach. Although we felt this was the best decision considering the relative paucity of studies for various measures, future studies might want to be more specific and/or selective in their outcomes of choice.

In sum, it is clear that the exercise domain has provided fertile ground for testing SDT’s precepts. While testing and developing theory is a worthwhile activity in its own right, the real significance of SDT will be realized if it can be employed to actually make a positive difference in peoples’ lives. In this regard, the growing evidence for the utility of SDT-based interventions for promoting the adoption and maintenance of exercise is a significant advance. Future studies would do well to include biological markers of successful exercise-related outcomes such as increased fitness and reductions in disease risk factors. Similarly, studies that include markers of psychological well-being and mental health, such as self-esteem, vitality, and symptoms of anxiety and depression symptomatology would also be useful, given that according to SDT only autonomously regulated behaviors can translate into enhanced psychological wellness. Extending SDT´s applicability beyond behavioral engagement in exercise to actual improvements in health and well-being would thus be another important step for SDT research to influence health care policy and delivery.

a Exercise outcomes covered in this review include what is normally termed “exercise” (purposeful and formalized leisure-time physical activity, often with the goal of improving fitness or health) but also, in a few cases, less structured forms of exercise (e.g., walking minutes), energy expenditure measures, and accelerometry data (which cannot distinguish between different forms of activity). Although the term “physical activity” would aptly cover the entire range of outcomes in this review, “exercise” is a more specific term to what the large majority of studies measured, with the use of instruments such as the Godin Leisure Time Exercise Questionnaires (LTEQ, used in 55 independent samples [77.5%]). For this reason, we will use the two terms indiscriminately in this review.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Authors’ contributions

PJT conceived this manuscript and led the writing team. EVC conducted the study search, summarized the quantitative review, and drafted the Results section. DM made substantial contributions to the Discussion section. DM, RMR, EVC, and MNS revised the entire manuscript and made important contributions in various sections. All authors read and approved the final version of the manuscript.

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Why Aren't You Motivated to Exercise?

Verywell / Jiaqi Zhou

No Motivation to Workout?

  • Exercise Barriers
  • Finding Motivation
  • Exercise in Everyday Life

Being physically active helps us stay healthy and, if we have a few extra pounds, can also make it easier to lose weight. Yet, knowing this doesn't always help us get off the couch and get onto the treadmill or pick up some weights instead.

If you have every intention to exercise, but working out seems to stay at the bottom of your to-do list, you may be wondering why. The answer to this question is different for everyone because there are many potential reasons why people find it hard to get motivated to work out .

We're all familiar with the most common reasons we don't exercise —we're too busy, too tired, it's too boring, and on and on. Though this is what we tell ourselves, the real reasons we aren't motivated may be a bit more complicated. If you have no motivation to workout, you can start by adding in daily movement that you enjoy that isn't necessarily part of a structured workout. For instance, take your pet or kids on a walk or play with them outdoors - pick up an active hobby like gardening or a team sport. You can also add movement into your day a little at a time by taking the stairs, parking further away from stores and work, or walking to nearby errands.

Barriers to Exercise Motivation

If you are struggling to find the motivation to workout, you may be experiencing a deeper barrier than you realize. Here are some common roadblocks to working out. Consider if one of these seems like it resonates with you, and then take steps to address it.

Exercise Is Unfamiliar

For some people, structured exercise is something they've never had to do before. As a result, it becomes easier to set it by the wayside rather than figure out how to start an exercise program .

This is especially true if your schedule is typically packed, leaving you very little energy to learn a new workout routine. You feel like you lack the mental or physical capacity to add one more item to your to-do list, particularly when that item is something totally new to you.

Exercise Doesn't Fit in With Your Sedentary Lifestyle

Today's world doesn't require as much movement. Many people spend their days working in front of the computer. Nights are spent watching television, catching up on social media, or playing online games. We don't have to be active to get things done.

If this describes your life, it's possible that being sedentary has turned into your comfort zone. This can make it harder to get into an exercise habit.

Exercise Is Considered a Luxury

Some people realize that exercise is necessary for good health, quality of life, and weight management, but it becomes an activity they say they'll do once they have a less full schedule. In this way, it is considered more of a luxury than something they "have to" do.

The issue with this way of thinking is that exercise is important for optimal mental and physical health. Not getting enough regular exercise can result in:

  • An increased risk of major medical issues, such as hypertension and insulin resistance
  • A decrease in muscle size and strength (called atrophy) can reduce your ability to engage in everyday activities
  • Increased incidence of low back pain, as well as increases in back pain severity and disability
  • Poorer mental health, partly because exercise helps improve anxiety, depression, and stress

Exercise Is Viewed as Hard

Another reason you may not be motivated to exercise is because you view it as being difficult. You've seen images of people struggling to make it through their workouts and you don't want to have those types of struggles yourself.

Your motivation to work out can be even lower if, in addition to being hard, you view exercise as boring. You picture yourself riding a stationary bike to nowhere, causing your eyes to roll back into your head.

Seeing exercise as something negative—boring, pointless, difficult, repetitious, etc.—isn't likely to inspire you to get to the gym. If anything, it is more likely to inspire you to avoid it!

Negative Consequences Aren't Immediate

For a lot of things in life, there are immediate consequences if we don't do what we're supposed to do. Don't turn at the bend in the road, and you'll drive into the ditch. But what happens if you don't exercise? Usually, nothing. At least, not right away.

Even knowing the possible long-term consequences of not exercising (such as weight gain, heart disease, diabetes, and cancer) may not be enough to get us going because it's tough to worry about something that hasn't happened or may never happen.

If any of these ideas strike a chord with you, you may be wondering if it's even possible to find the motivation to exercise. The answer is yes, it is.

The good news is that even just a small change in how you think about exercise can make a big difference when it comes to increasing your motivation.

Find Your Motivation to Work Out

Exercise may be all about moving the body, but the first step is to move your mind. Getting past your mental roadblocks can open the door for new ideas, new attitudes, and a renewed motivation to work out.

Acknowledge Where You Are

In the past, we had more reasons to move. People had to cut their own grass, wash dishes by hand, and walk to school. While we have help with many of these tasks today, it's beneficial to remember that these modern-day conveniences can contribute to our health problems if we let them take over.

Acknowledging where you are, as well as your responsibility to tend to your fitness regularly, helps keep things more in balance. It also brings you one step closer to changing how you live because you recognize where you have room to improve.

Accept Exercise as a Must

If you want to get healthy, exercise is non-negotiable. No pill, diet, or surgical procedure can take the place of being active. So, instead of viewing exercise as a choice, commit to making it a regular part of your day, like making your bed and brushing your teeth.

Making peace with the idea of exercise being as mandatory as taking out the trash often makes it a little easier to do. It doesn't have to happen in a gym or take up hours of your time, either. You can work out at home . You can also do mini-exercise sessions to fit them into your schedule better. Invest in workout clothes that are comfortable and fit properly, such as petite leggings if you have shorter legs.

Knowing you can create your own exercise experience may help you get up and get moving.

Give Your Workouts Meaning

For some people, exercise is a means to an end. It's a way to lose weight or to get a more toned body. Future goals are nice, but there's another part to the equation that, when missing, makes exercise hard to stick to long-term: purpose.

In other words, your workouts need to have value, regardless of whether you ever reach your fitness goal . Working for the future isn't enough to keep us driven and motivated. We need it to mean something now .

Think about what exercise means to you, besides a way to lose weight or gain muscle. What value does it offer outside of your fitness goals?

Your purpose may include using exercise as a way to reduce stress and keep your energy up. Or exercise might be the only time you get to yourself each day. Find your own value and meaning and you'll find your motivation.

Do What Feels Best for You

When it comes to exercising, it's important to find your own path . Too often, the mainstream idea of exercise involves joining health clubs, working out on cardio machines, and taking fitness classes. But what if the thought of doing those things makes you cringe?

Here's some good news—you have the freedom to do whatever activities you like. If you hate the gym, you don't have to join one to get fit. If you hate the repetition and boredom of treadmills, you can try more interactive things like spin class or grabbing a basketball and forming a pickup game.

There are countless ways to exercise, so don't be afraid to think outside of the box. There's boxing, Muay Thai (Thai boxing), hiking, mountain biking, and dancing. You can also try working out on a trampoline or rebounder . Find out what  you  like and forget the rules. Tools that can help enhance your workouts and yield more health benefits are always a plus—such as a vibration plate .

We've tried, tested, and reviewed the best boxing equipment for a home gym. If you're in the market for boxing gear, explore which option may be best for you.

Incorporate Exercise Into Everyday Life

While you're considering your exercise barriers, why not begin to work towards a more active lifestyle? You don't have to turn your whole life upside down. Instead, take small steps to start living a healthier lifestyle.

Work more physical activity into your everyday routine. If you like to keep things simple, you could take several walks throughout the day or add some laps the next time you shop at the mall. Once you're ready, incorporate focused exercise sessions to increase your heart rate and build muscle.

A Word From Verywell

It isn't always easy to get and stay motivated to exercise, but once we figure out what is stopping us and how to overcome it, it becomes easier to make working out a habit. Picking the right activity may even make you look forward to exercise.

We now have streaming fitness videos, podcasts , fitness video games, and a variety of health clubs and gyms to fit every need and budget. There's something out there for all of us. It's just a matter of looking around and picking an activity (and location) that interests you.

Teixeira PJ, Carraça EV, Markland D, Silva MN, Ryan RM. Exercise, physical activity, and self-determination theory: A systematic review . Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act . 2012;9:78. doi:10.1186/1479-5868-9-78

Leon-Latre M, Moreno-Franco B, Andres-Estevan E, et al. Sedentary lifestyle and its relation to cardiovascular risk factors, insulin resistance and inflammatory profile . Revista Espanola de Cardiologia . 2014;67(6):449-55. doi:10.1016/j.rec.2013.10.015

Watson N, Ji X, Yasuhara T, et al. No pain, no gain: Lack of exercise obstructs neurogenesis . Cell Transplantation . 2015;24(4):591-7. doi:10.3727/096368915X687723

Shiri R, Coggon D, Falah-Hassani K. Exercise for the prevention of low back pain: Systematic review and meta-analysis of controlled trials . Am J Epidemiol . 2018;187(5):1093-1101. doi:10/10/93/aje/kwx337

Mikkelsen K, Stojanovska L, Polenakovic M, Bosevski M, Apostopoulos V. Exercise and mental health . Maturitas . 2017;106:46-56. doi:10.1016/j.maturitas.2017.09.003

Lachman ME, Lipsitz L, Lubben J, Castaneda-Sceppa C, Jette AM. When adults don't exercise: Behavioral strategies to increase physical activity in sedentary middle-aged and older adults . Innov Aging . 2018;2(1):igy007. doi:10.1093/geroni/igy007

By Paige Waehner, CPT Paige Waehner is a certified personal trainer, author of the "Guide to Become a Personal Trainer," and co-author of "The Buzz on Exercise & Fitness."

152 Fitness Essay Topics to Write about & Examples

Looking for the most popular fitness topics to write about? Find them here! This list contains only the best essay questions about physical fitness, topic ideas for presentation, trending gym essay topics, and research titles. Check them out below!

🔝 Top 10 Fitness Topics to Write About

🏆 best fitness topic ideas & essay examples, 👍 good essay topics on fitness, 💡 interesting topics to write about fitness, ❓ essay questions about physical fitness, 🔥 popular gym essay topics to write about, ✅ health and fitness topics to write about.

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  • The Positive Effects of Physical Fitness It is essential to understand the components that contribute to proper training to ensure that the chosen program presents benefits. The factor impacts both the heart functioning and the metabolism of an individual.
  • Planet Fitness: Strategic Positioning According to the Porter’s Model This focus is the first compromise that Planet Fitness made, deliberately moving away from catering to affluent customers with high demands on the gym and the level of service.
  • Nutritional Needs of an Older Adult: Lifecycle Nutrition and Fitness As a rule, female nutritional needs are considerably lower than the ones of a man unless a woman is pregnant. Men also tend to have a considerably higher calorie requirement.
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  • Academic Achievement and Physical Fitness This study contributes to the growing body of knowledge, which identifies that there is a positive correlation between physical fitness and academic achievement.
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  • Benefits of Exercise and Importance of Overall Fitness Being in the best of health means more than the absence of illness. The American Heart Association recommends keeping track of body composition: how much of your body are fat, bone, and muscle.
  • The Relevance of the Army Combat Fitness Test for the U.S. Army The new Army Combat Fitness Test will be implemented by October 2020 and is considered as a better concept to forecast a soldier’s readiness for the pressure one will encounter on the modern battlefield.
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  • Fitness and Sport Learning Most of the theoretical and practical perspectives during the course have expanded my outlook on the role of sport in my life, as well as how it can enhance my professional fulfillment.
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  • Physical Fitness Training Programs for Athletes In summary, the article provides a general guideline for athletes to build muscle and improve performance by focusing on compound exercises, progressive overload, core strength, and flexibility.
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  • Fitness Obsession and Its Causes Apart from that, physical attractiveness is one of the factors that can contribute to their success in various areas of life.
  • Analysis of the Fitness First Health and Fitness Centre The purpose of starting the club was to provide health and fitness training services to people belonging to different age groups and income levels under the directorship of the co-founders.
  • 24 Hour Fitness Worldwide Inc. Implementation Plan 24 Hour Fitness Worldwide Inc.is based in California and was established in the year 1983 for the purposes of providing fitness services to the population.
  • Business Plan of ABC Fitness Center In the content of advertise, the ABC center will highlight the positive sites, emphasis on the importance of fitness center in public health, environment of this center, and the advantages of the membership.
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  • Physical Fitness and Sport Policy in the Cold War Johnson presidential administration shifted the priorities in the sports national policy and vision of sports rivalry in the United States.”Addressing the subject in terms of federal initiatives during the 1960s, this article will argue that […]
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  • Exercise & Fitness

Here’s How to Make Yourself Love Exercise

I t’s not just you: Many people are turned off by the thought of exercise because they think it has to be intense or time-consuming. But the findings of a new study published in the journal BMC Public Health suggests that people could learn to enjoy being active simply by tweaking those beliefs and expectations.

So says the study’s lead author Michelle Segar, director of the University of Michigan’s Sport, Health, and Activity Research and Policy Center, who’s spent years researching what motivates people to get and stay physically fit. (She’s also author of No Sweat: How the Simple Science of Motivation Can Bring You a Lifetime of Fitness .) Too often, she says, people begin exercise programs to lose weight, and quit when they don’t shed pounds right away.

In her new study, she and her colleagues asked 40 women about what really makes them feel happy and successful. Then they analyzed how their views about working out either fostered or undermined those feelings. The diverse group of women were all between ages 22 and 49.

All of the women—whether they were regular exercisers or not—turned out to want the same things out of life: to have meaningful connections with others, to feel relaxed and free of pressure during their leisure time and to accomplish the goals they’d set for themselves, whether in their personal lives, their careers or simply their daily to-do lists.

The big difference, the researchers found, was that women who were inactive viewed exercise as counterproductive to those things. In order for exercise to be valid, they thought, it had to be seriously heart-pumping and sweat-inducing—the complete opposite of the “relaxing” feeling they wanted from their free time.

They also felt that following an exercise program took up too much time and put too much pressure on them, and that it was too difficult to commit to a schedule and meet expectations, leaving them feeling like failures.

But women in the study who were regularly active didn’t share these views. For them, exercise went hand-in-hand with their desires for social connectivity, relaxing leisure time and feeling accomplished.

That shift in mindset has to happen for women who aren’t currently active, says Segar. “These women feel alienated by exercise, or feel that they’ve failed when they tried it in the past,” she says. “They have a very narrow definition of what exercise should look like.”

MORE : Here’s What Happens When You Don’t Exercise for 2 Weeks

Segar says that definition comes from decades of messaging from fitness companies and older scientific research that suggesting that high-intensity activity is the only way for exercise to be worthwhile. “That’s no longer true,” she says. “The new recommendations for physical activity really open the door for people to pretty much do anything that works for them.”

The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services suggests that for “substantial health benefits,” adults should get 150 minutes a week of moderate-intensity physical activity, such as brisk walking. It’s true that additional benefits can be gained from more (or more intense) exercise, but Segar says this is a good starting point for many Americans who currently lead sedentary lives.

Instead of thinking about exercise as an alternative to enjoying free time or socializing with friends, she recommends framing it as a way to make those things happen. “Women need to give themselves permission to use physical activity as a way to relax—to get together with friends or loved ones and take a leisurely stroll, simply because being active and outdoors boosts their mood and makes them feel good.”

MORE : Here’s How To Be Less Tired After Work

While walking is an easy way to squeeze in more movement throughout the day, she also encourages people to get creative. “If you liked biking as a kid, rent a bike and see if it still feels good,” she says. “Play tag with your kids, take a dance class or even just climb the stairs a few extra times while you’re doing chores around the house.”

Most importantly, Segar says, people need to know that any physical activity is better than no physical activity. “You don’t have to do 30 minutes at a time, you don’t have to sweat and you don’t have to hate whatever it is you’re doing,” she says. “You just have to choose to move when you see opportunities.”

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Need Motivation to Exercise? What Science Says Really Works

Proven strategies to bust you out of a workout rut or help you start a fitness plan from scratch.

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Michelle Crouch,

You’re probably familiar with all the amazing benefits of regular, consistent exercise. It lowers blood pressure , reduces your risk of disease, improves mental health and helps you live a longer, happier life.

Why, then, is it so hard to actually get up and get moving?

More than 80 percent of Americans don’t exercise as much as they should, according to the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services. Among those ages 65 to 74, two-thirds are not physically active. And we’ve all heard the statistics about the overwhelming number of people who don’t follow through on their exercise goals.  

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“As humans, it’s hard for us to make a decision to do something because it’s good for us over the long term,” says Art Markman, a professor of psychology at the University of Texas at Austin and author of  Smart Change .

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Fortunately, behavioral scientists have been busy trying to determine what actually works to boost exercise motivation. The next time you’re tempted to make excuses and skip your workout, try one of these science-based strategies to get moving.

Stop making exercise about how you look

Of course you’d like to lose 10 pounds or firm up those arms. But people who have a process goal, such as a target number of exercise sessions a week, are significantly more likely to stick to their workouts than those who focus on a big-picture outcome, like losing weight, a U.K. study found. “Instead of, ‘I want to lose 10 pounds,’ a better goal is, ‘I’m going to exercise on Mondays and Thursdays at 11 a.m.,’ ” Markman says.

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Exercise doesn’t have to mean sweating in the gym or endless treadmill time. How about hiking a local greenway, taking a dance class or volunteering to walk dogs at the local animal shelter? “We have this mental image that exercise is doing something that feels like a lot of work,” Markman says. “We forget that taking a walk in a beautiful area with a friend is exercise.” If you choose an activity you genuinely like, research shows you’re much more inclined to stick with it over time.

Write down exactly when and where you will exercise

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In one landmark U.K. study, researchers put participants who were planning to start exercising into three groups: One got no information, the second received materials about the health benefits of exercise, and the third filled out a form indicating the single day/time/place (of their choosing) they pledged to exercise vigorously for at least 20 minutes. Two weeks later, the researchers were surprised at the results. An astonishing 91 percent of the third group had followed through, compared with less than 40 percent of the other two groups.

Become an early bird

Scientists have determined that we have a finite amount of daily willpower that is drained by decisions and activities throughout the day. To counter that, plan to work out in the morning, before your willpower is depleted and before life can get in the way. A study published in the journal  Health Psychology  found that it’s easier to develop a healthy habit in the morning, when your cortisol levels are higher, providing more of that get-up-and-go feeling.

Have a plan B

Expect setbacks, but instead of letting them get you down, Markman recommends making a contingency plan. Some studies show that using an “if-then” phrase can be particularly effective. Maybe it’s,“If I don’t get up to go to the gym in the morning, I will take a walk after dinner,” or “If I can’t walk because it’s raining, I will do 10 minutes of physical activity inside.” You can also use an “if-then” statement to tie a nonphysical activity you enjoy (such as listening to an audiobook) to a physical activity: “If I want to listen to the book, then I have to walk.”

Prioritize convenience

One study found that the shorter the distance to the gym, the more likely members were to go. Another shows that people who live in neighborhoods with sidewalks are 47 percent more likely to be active for at least 39 minutes a day than residents of areas without sidewalks. “Your environment can make a huge difference,” says David Maxfield, coauthor of  Change Anything . “Set your workout clothes next to your bed the night before, and keep exercise equipment visible and nearby. If you have a treadmill or exercise bike on the first floor, you’re twice as likely to use it than if it’s in the basement.”

Make it social

If you’ve heard it before, that’s because research shows it works: You’re more likely to exercise consistently if you work out with other people. “It holds you accountable, because you don’t want to let them down by not showing up, and you’ll also have more fun,” says Deborah Feltz, a professor of kinesiology at Michigan State University. In her research, Feltz has found other benefits, too: People who work out with a partner exert more effort and also spend almost twice as much time exercising as those who go it alone. 

Michelle Crouch is a contributing writer who has covered health and personal finance for some of the nation’s top consumer publications. Her work has appeared in  Reader’s Digest ,  Real Simple ,  Prevention ,  The Washington Post  and  The New York Times .

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Fitness Essay | Short and Long Essay on Fitness | Importance, Benefits and Components of Fitness Benefits 

July 17, 2021 by Prasanna

Fitness Essay: The support of wellbeing and Fitness assists an individual with being in the overall condition of wellbeing and prosperity. It gives the capacity to perform actual activities without being drained or fretful. Be that as it may, the support of wellbeing and Fitness requires customary actual exercise with the adjusted eating regimen. It is extremely fundamental for all to keep up with their wellbeing and Fitness to be fit, solid, courageous of infections, and get such countless different advantages. That’s why physical education is necessary for all individuals.

You can read more  Essay Writing  about articles, events, people, sports, technology many more.

Components of Total Fitness

The five components of complete fitness are:

  • Cardiovascular Endurance.
  • Muscular Strength.
  • Muscular endurance.
  • Flexibility.
  • Body Composition.

Cardiorespiratory Endurance is the capacity to convey oxygen and supplements to tissues and to eliminate burns throughout supported timeframes. Long runs and swims are among the strategies utilized in estimating this segment. Strong strength is the capacity of a muscle to apply power for a concise timeframe. Chest area strength, for instance, can be estimated by different weight-lifting works out. Solid perseverance is the capacity of a muscle, or gathering of muscles, to support rehashed withdrawals or to keep applying power against a fixed item. Pushups are frequently used to test the perseverance of arm and shoulder muscles. Furthermore, adaptability is the capacity to move joints and use muscles through their full scope of movement. The sit and reach is a decent proportion of adaptability of the lower back constantly of the upper legs.

Short Essay on Fitness 250 Words in English

The greater part of the everyday citizens never understands the significance of being solid and fit. They for the most part think little of the significance of good wellbeing as they never know its benefits. We as a whole realize that wellbeing is abundance however just a couple of individuals follow it in their life. Being solid and fit assists us with excursions day-by-day undertakings. Being solid isn’t just a body liberated from sicknesses, however, it likewise intends to have a tensionless brain. On the off chance that an individual has an unfortunate brain, he can’t have an undesirable body. Great wellbeing of both, body and brain assists us with getting accomplishment throughout everyday life and appreciates it in full degree. Great psychological Fitness causes us to feel like prosperity and a solid body gives us actual strength and certainty. Great actual wellbeing helps us in our difficult times though poor physical health turns out to be more frail and inclined to sicknesses.

We should know pretty much every one of the places of how to keep us sounds both truly and intellectually. A few groups think well about how to keep their body slick, spotless and solid. Be that as it may, they convey a few strains to them, so they generally lack fit. Mental pressure steadily crumbles the great state of the body and makes it frail. Individuals, who are not kidding about their wellbeing and Fitness, do practices on a regular routine and eat good food in an opportune way. They are much cognizant about their wellbeing and abstain from being lethargic, eating unfortunate food and inactive life.

Essay on Fitness

Long Essay on Fitness 500 Words

Physical fitness and health is perhaps the main key to a sound body. It is the premise of an innovative creative movement. Fitness implies the state of being genuinely solid, particularly practices and legitimate nourishment it even incorporates being intellectually sound. It is the explanation, a condition of general prosperity set apart by actual wellbeing and mental solidness. Fitness isn’t simply twisting our bodies. It is tied in with having cardiovascular and generally solid perseverance and strength, just as a solid safe framework, and in particular, a fulfilled condition of your brain.

Numerous individuals don’t comprehend the significance of Fitness and keeping up with great well-being, subsequently, they disregard Fitness and exercises which then, at that point could prompt perilous conditions like coronary illness, weight, hypertension, and some more. By suffering day-by-day proactive tasks, you are not just working on the state and state of your body, however your perspective too. This can profit your psychological perspective by working on your certainty and cause you to feel generally speaking better about yourself and your looks. There are four essential segments of Fitness, cardio-respiratory capacity, flexibility, muscular capacity, and body composition.

Great wellbeing and Fitness isn’t something which one can accomplish totally all alone. It relies upon their actual climate and the nature of food consumption. We live in towns, rural and urban communities.

The climate and atmosphere also affect our physical fitness. Consequently, our social obligation of a contamination-free climate straightforwardly influences our wellbeing. Our every day propensities additionally decide our Fitness level. The nature of food, air, water all aids in building our Fitness level.

The main thing about where Fitness begins is food. We should always have nutritious food and avoid junk food. Food plentiful in protein, nutrients, minerals, and sugars is fundamental. Protein is fundamental for body development. Sugars give the necessary energy in performing different errands. Nutrients and minerals help in building bones and boosting our safe framework.

Routine exercise further develops our muscle power. Exercise helps in great oxygen supply and blood flow all through the body. Heart and lungs work effectively. Our bones get solid and joints have torment-free development. Try to spend twenty minutes in daily exercise and activities like morning walks, running. You can also choose entertaining exercises such as Zumba, as per your interest. Outdoor games like football, badminton, volleyball, etc., also keep your body fit.

Yoga and meditation have been important in our life since ancient times. They make us in great shape as well as intellectually solid also. Reflection further develops our focus level. Our brain gets loose and thinking gets positive.

An individual stays more joyful when he/she is fit and solid. A fit and sound individual is less inclined to persistent infections. The solid brain responds better in a pressing fact or circumstance. The fearlessness of an individual is expanded. The Risk of cardiovascular breakdown has definitely decreased. With the expanded insusceptibility power the body could battle destructive cells. The force of the crack is diminished with standard exercise.

FAQ’s on Fitness Essay

Question 1. What is the importance of fitness?

Answer: Fitness is to the human body what adjusting is to an engine to perform well. It empowers us to perform up to our latent capacity. Fitness can be depicted as a condition that helps us look, feel and put forth a valiant effort. All the more explicitly, it is the “capacity of the human body to work with force and readiness, without excessive weakness, and with abundant energy to participate in recreation exercises.

Question 2. What are the benefits of physical fitness?

Answer: Fitness of the body can profit you from various perspectives, for example, decrease the danger of coronary illness, stoutness, osteoporosis, stroke, and hypertension, and so forth Keeping an in great shape body will, in general, make you more grounded, and carry on with a solid way of life. Being in great shape will work on the presentation of the relative multitude of muscles in your body including your heart, and assists with, balance, power, speed, coordination, and a lot more viewpoints.

Question 3. What do you mean by fitness?

Answer: Fitness is characterized as being fit as a fiddle or being appropriate for a particular undertaking or reason. An illustration of fitness is the situation with your actual wellbeing. Great wellbeing, particularly great state of being coming about because of activity and appropriate nourishment.

Question 4. What are the two types of important fitness for a human being?

Answer: The two types of mandatory fitness for a human being are physical fitness and mental fitness.

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105 Gym Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

Inside This Article

Are you struggling to come up with a topic for your gym essay? Look no further! We have compiled a list of 105 gym essay topic ideas and examples to help inspire you and get your creative juices flowing.

  • The benefits of regular exercise on mental health
  • The importance of proper form and technique in weightlifting
  • The role of nutrition in achieving fitness goals
  • The impact of technology on fitness tracking and monitoring
  • How to stay motivated and committed to a workout routine
  • The benefits of high-intensity interval training (HIIT)
  • The dangers of overtraining and how to avoid it
  • The benefits of incorporating yoga into your fitness routine
  • The role of supplements in enhancing performance and recovery
  • The benefits of strength training for women
  • The impact of social media on body image and fitness trends
  • The benefits of outdoor workouts and nature-based fitness activities
  • The benefits of group fitness classes for motivation and accountability
  • The importance of rest and recovery in a fitness routine
  • The benefits of setting SMART goals for fitness success
  • The impact of sleep on exercise performance and recovery
  • The benefits of incorporating meditation and mindfulness into your fitness routine
  • The role of genetics in determining fitness potential
  • The benefits of cross-training and incorporating different types of workouts
  • The impact of stress on exercise performance and recovery
  • The benefits of working with a personal trainer to achieve fitness goals
  • The importance of proper hydration in a workout routine
  • The benefits of tracking progress and setting benchmarks for success
  • The role of mindset and mental toughness in achieving fitness goals
  • The benefits of foam rolling and mobility work for injury prevention
  • The impact of age on exercise performance and recovery
  • The benefits of setting a workout schedule and sticking to it
  • The role of music in enhancing workout performance and motivation
  • The benefits of proper warm-up and cool-down routines in a workout
  • The impact of social support on fitness success
  • The benefits of incorporating plyometric exercises into your workout routine
  • The importance of proper footwear and clothing for workouts
  • The benefits of tracking macros and calories for weight loss and muscle gain
  • The impact of hormones on exercise performance and recovery
  • The benefits of interval training for cardiovascular health
  • The role of habit formation in maintaining a consistent workout routine
  • The benefits of proper breathing techniques during exercise
  • The impact of body composition on overall health and fitness
  • The benefits of outdoor running for mental health and stress relief
  • The role of mindset in overcoming fitness plateaus and challenges
  • The benefits of strength training for older adults
  • The impact of injury on exercise performance and recovery
  • The benefits of swimming as a low-impact exercise option
  • The role of flexibility and mobility in preventing injuries
  • The benefits of tracking workouts and progress in a fitness journal
  • The impact of social comparison on motivation and self-esteem in the gym
  • The benefits of proper nutrition timing for workout performance and recovery
  • The role of foam rolling in reducing muscle soreness and improving recovery
  • The benefits of setting short-term and long-term fitness goals
  • The impact of mindset on overcoming workout challenges and setbacks
  • The benefits of strength training for bone health and osteoporosis prevention
  • The role of mindset in overcoming fear and self-doubt in the gym
  • The benefits of incorporating mobility work into your warm-up routine
  • The impact of stress on workout performance and recovery
  • The benefits of tracking sleep and recovery for optimal performance
  • The role of mindset in overcoming mental barriers to fitness success
  • The benefits of setting realistic expectations for fitness progress
  • The impact of social support on motivation and accountability in the gym
  • The benefits of proper hydration for workout performance and recovery
  • The role of mindset in achieving fitness goals and overcoming obstacles
  • The benefits of incorporating balance and stability exercises into your workout routine
  • The impact of mindset on motivation and consistency in the gym
  • The benefits of setting boundaries and prioritizing self-care in a workout routine
  • The role of mindset in overcoming workout plateaus and challenges
  • The benefits of setting intentions and goals for each workout session
  • The impact of mindset on workout performance and recovery
  • The benefits of incorporating mindfulness and meditation into your fitness routine
  • The role of

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  • Published: 22 June 2012

Exercise, physical activity, and self-determination theory: A systematic review

  • Pedro J Teixeira 1 ,
  • Eliana V Carraça 1 ,
  • David Markland 2 ,
  • Marlene N Silva 1 &
  • Richard M Ryan 3  

International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity volume  9 , Article number:  78 ( 2012 ) Cite this article

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Motivation is a critical factor in supporting sustained exercise, which in turn is associated with important health outcomes. Accordingly, research on exercise motivation from the perspective of self-determination theory (SDT) has grown considerably in recent years. Previous reviews have been mostly narrative and theoretical. Aiming at a more comprehensive review of empirical data, this article examines the empirical literature on the relations between key SDT-based constructs and exercise and physical activity behavioral outcomes.

This systematic review includes 66 empirical studies published up to June 2011, including experimental, cross-sectional, and prospective studies that have measured exercise causality orientations, autonomy/need support and need satisfaction, exercise motives (or goal contents), and exercise self-regulations and motivation. We also studied SDT-based interventions aimed at increasing exercise behavior. In all studies, actual or self-reported exercise/physical activity, including attendance, was analyzed as the dependent variable. Findings are summarized based on quantitative analysis of the evidence.

The results show consistent support for a positive relation between more autonomous forms of motivation and exercise, with a trend towards identified regulation predicting initial/short-term adoption more strongly than intrinsic motivation, and intrinsic motivation being more predictive of long-term exercise adherence. The literature is also consistent in that competence satisfaction and more intrinsic motives positively predict exercise participation across a range of samples and settings. Mixed evidence was found concerning the role of other types of motives (e.g., health/fitness and body-related), and also the specific nature and consequences of introjected regulation. The majority of studies have employed descriptive (i.e., non-experimental) designs but similar results are found across cross-sectional, prospective, and experimental designs.

Overall, the literature provides good evidence for the value of SDT in understanding exercise behavior, demonstrating the importance of autonomous (identified and intrinsic) regulations in fostering physical activity. Nevertheless, there remain some inconsistencies and mixed evidence with regard to the relations between specific SDT constructs and exercise. Particular limitations concerning the different associations explored in the literature are discussed in the context of refining the application of SDT to exercise and physical activity promotion, and integrating these with avenues for future research.

Introduction

Physical activity and exercise, when undertaken regularly, are highly beneficial for health, and for physical and psychological well-being [e.g., [ 1 ]. Yet, only a minority of adults in modern societies reports engaging in physical exercise at a level compatible with most public health guidelines [ 2 ]. For instance, 2009 data indicate that, on a typical week, 60% of adults in Europe engaged in no physical exercise or sports [ 3 ]. In the US, less than 50% of adults are considered regularly physically active [ 4 ] while in Canada new accelerometer data shows that only 15% of adults meet national physical activity recommendations [ 5 ]. Such findings suggest that many people lack sufficient motivation to participate in the 150 minutes of moderately intense exercise or physical activity a per week recommended [ 6 ]. Indeed, approximately 40% of Europeans agree with the statement: “Being physically active does not really interest me – I would rather do other things with my spare time” [ 3 ].

Lack of motivation can broadly be explained by two orders of factors. First, as highlighted in the previous statistic, people may not be sufficiently interested in exercise, or value its outcomes enough to make it a priority in their lives [ 7 ]. Many individuals experience competing demands on their time from educational, career, and family obligations, possibly at the expense of time and resources that could be invested in exercising regularly. Second, some people may not feel sufficiently competent at physical activities, feeling either not physically fit enough or skilled enough to exercise, or they may have health limitations that present a barrier to activity [ 8 ]. Whether it be low interest or low perceived competence, the physical activity participation data indicate that many people are either unmotivated (or amotivated ), having no intention to be more physically active, or are insufficiently motivated in the face of other interests or demands on their time.

In addition to those who are unmotivated, another source of short-lived persistence in exercise behaviors comes from people who do express personal motivation to exercise regularly, yet initiate exercise behaviors with little follow through. Specifically, a significant percentage of people may exercise because of controlled motivations, where participation in activities like going to the gym or running regularly is based on a feeling of “having to” rather than truly “wanting to” participate [ 7 ]. Controlled forms of motivation, which by definition are not autonomous (i.e., they lack volition), are predominant when the activity is perceived primarily as a means to an end and are typically associated with motives or goals such as improving appearance or receiving a tangible reward [ 9 ]. One hypothesis then is that the stability of one’s motivation is at least partially dependent on some of its qualitative features, particularly the degree of perceived autonomy or of an internal perceived locus of causality [ 10 ]. That is, the level of reflective self-endorsement and willingness associated with a behavior or class of behaviors should be associated with greater persistence. An utilitarian approach to exercise (and to exercise motivation), such as might be prevalent in fitness clubs or other settings where exercise is externally prescribed, could thus be partially responsible for the high dropout rate observed in exercise studies [e.g., [ 11 ]. In fact, the pervasiveness of social and medical pressures toward weight loss, combined with externally prescriptive methods may be ill-suited to promote sustained increases in population physical activity levels.

In sum, large numbers of individuals are either unmotivated or not sufficiently motivated to be physically active, or are motivated by types of externally-driven motivation that may not lead to sustained activity. This highlights the need to look more closely at goals and self-regulatory features associated with regular participation in exercise and physical activity. Self-determination theory (SDT) is uniquely placed among theories of human motivation to examine the differential effects of qualitatively different types of motivation that can underlie behavior [ 12 ]. Originating from a humanistic perspective, hence fundamentally centered on the fulfillment of needs, self-actualization, and the realization of human potential, SDT is a comprehensive and evolving macro-theory of human personality and motivated behavior [ 12 ]. In what follows we will briefly describe key concepts formulated within SDT (and tested in SDT empirical studies) that are more relevant to physical activity and exercise, all of which will be implicated in our empirical review.

First, SDT distinguishes between intrinsic and extrinsic types of motivation regulating one’s behavior. Intrinsic motivation is defined as doing an activity because of its inherent satisfactions. When intrinsically motivated the person experiences feelings of enjoyment, the exercise of their skills, personal accomplishment, and excitement [ 13 ]. To different degrees, recreational sport and exercise can certainly be performed for the associated enjoyment or for the challenge of participating in an activity. In contrast to intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation refers to doing an activity for instrumental reasons, or to obtain some outcome separable from the activity per se . For example, when a person engages in an activity to gain a tangible or social reward or to avoid disapproval, they are extrinsically motivated. SDT, however, conceptualizes qualitatively different types of extrinsic motivation, that themselves differ in terms of their relative autonomy. Some extrinsic motives are relatively heteronomous, representing what in SDT are described as controlled forms of motivation. For example, externally regulated behaviors are those performed to comply with externally administered reward and punishment contingencies. Also controlled are extrinsic motivations based on introjected regulation, where behavior is driven by self-approval. Controlled forms of extrinsic motivation are expected within SDT to sometimes regulate (or motivate) short-term behavior, but not to sustain maintenance over time [ 14 ]. Yet not all extrinsic motives are controlled. When a person does an activity not because it is inherently fun or satisfying (intrinsic motivation), but rather because it is of personal value and utility, it can represent a more autonomous form of behavioral regulation. Specifically in SDT , identified and integrated forms of behavioral regulation are defined as those in which one’s actions are self-endorsed because they are personally valued. Examples include exercising because one values its outcomes and desires to maintain good health [ 7 ]. Thus, in SDT, these different forms of motivation are conceptualized as lying along a continuum from non-autonomous to completely autonomous forms of behavioral regulation.

Third, SDT introduces the concept of basic psychological needs as central to understanding both the satisfactions and supports necessary for high quality, autonomous forms of motivation . Specifically SDT argues that there are basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness, all of which are conceived as essential and universal nutriments to psychological health and the development of internal motivation. Satisfaction of these basic needs results in increased feelings of vitality and well-being [ 15 ]. Like any other activity, engaging in sports and exercise can be more or less conducive to having one’s psychological needs realized [ 16 ]. For example, experiences of competence vary upon success or failure at challenging physical tasks or as a function of feedback from, for example, a fitness professional. Perceptions of personal connection (relatedness) with others (e.g., fellow members of a fitness class or weight loss program) can vary greatly as a function of the interpersonal environment. Feelings of autonomy (versus feeling controlled) differ as a function of communication styles in exercise settings. According to SDT, in fact, need fulfillment in any context is closely associated with the characteristics of that social milieu, that is, whether important others support the needs for autonomy (e.g., take the perspective of the client/patient, support their choices, minimize pressure), relatedness (e.g., create an empathetic and positive environment, show unconditional regard), and competence (e.g., limit negative feedback, provide optimally challenging tasks). The concept of need support is thus thought to largely explain individual differences in the development and enactment of motivation across the lifespan [ 12 ]. Consequently, the design of health behavior change interventions that enhance satisfaction of participants’ basic needs is a matter of much interest in SDT studies, including in the area of exercise and physical activity [ 17 , 18 ].

More recently, goal contents have also been explored from an SDT perspective in relation to a range of behaviors, including exercise [e.g., [ 19 , 20 ]. It should be noted that most authors have referred to goal contents in exercise contexts as motives , or more specifically participation motives [e.g., [ 64 , 79 ]. Operationally both terms are identical and we will use them interchangeably herein. Whereas intrinsic motivation and the various forms of extrinsic motivation represent the regulatory processes underlying a behavior, motives or goal contents are the outcomes that individuals are pursuing by engaging in the behavior [ 12 ]. Goal contents are differentiated according to the extent to which their pursuit is likely to satisfy basic psychological needs. Specifically, SDT distinguishes intrinsic goals (e.g., seeking affiliation, personal growth, or health) as those thought to be more closely related to the fulfillment of basic psychological needs, from extrinsic goals (e.g., seeking power and influence, wealth, or social recognition) that are thought to be associated with “substitute needs” which are neither universal nor truly essential to well-being and personal development. Factor analytic studies have borne out this theoretical distinction, and a number of studies have shown the predicted differential consequences of intrinsic versus extrinsic goal importance [ 21 , 22 ]. Within the domain of exercise and physical activity, extrinsic goals (e.g., when exercise is performed primarily to improve appearance) or intrinsic goals (e.g., to challenge oneself or to improve/preserve health and well-being) can clearly be distinguished. It should be noted that different goals or motives towards a given activity often naturally co-exist in the same person, some being more intrinsic, some less. Similar to what occurs with motivational regulations (which can have more or less autonomous elements, see more below), it is the relative preponderance of certain types of motives versus others which is thought to determine more or less desirable outcomes [e.g., [ 19 , 20 ].

Finally, SDT also proposes that people have dispositional tendencies, named causality orientations [ 14 ] which describe the way they preferentially orient towards their environments, resulting in characteristic motivational and behavioral patterns. Although some people may be more inclined to seek out and follow their internal indicators of preference in choosing their course of action, others may more naturally tend to align with external directives and norms, while still others may reveal to be generally amotivated, more passive, and unresponsive to either internal or external events that could energize their actions [ 12 ]. Although this topic has not been explored at length in previous research, these orientations can manifest themselves (and be measured) in exercise and physical activity contexts and the Exercise Causality Orientation Scale has been developed to measure individual differences in orientations around exercise [ 9 ].

Previous review papers of the topic of SDT and physical activity have primarily focused on describing the rationale for the application of this particular theoretical framework to physical activity behaviors, reviewing illustrative studies [ 7 , 23 , 24 ]. Meanwhile, the SDT-related exercise empirical research base has grown considerably in recent years, warranting a more comprehensive and systematic review of empirical data. Systematic reviews and meta-analyses of empirical studies provide the highest level of evidence for the appraisal and synthesis of findings from scientific studies. Accordingly, the present review includes 66 empirical studies published up to June 2011 that assessed relations between SDT-based constructs or interventions and exercise outcomes. We included experimental and cross-sectional studies that have measured exercise causality orientations, autonomy/need support and need satisfaction, exercise motives or goals, and exercise self-regulations and motivation. We also studied SDT-based interventions as predictors of exercise behavioral outcomes. Figure 1 depicts a general model of SDT and exercise, where its major constructs and theoretical links are highlighted.

figure 1

General SDT process model for exercise behavior. Adapted from the general health process model (Ref Ryan et al., Europ Health Psych, 2009), this graph includes the 5 groups of variables analyzed in this review as exercise predictors and their expected relationships (in a simplified version). Although this review only covers direct relationships between each class of variables (e.g., need satisfaction in exercise) and exercise behaviors, since few articles have simultaneously tested various steps of this model, the SDT model for exercise assumes that a sizable share of variance of exercise associated with SDT variables may be explained via indirect or mediating mechanisms, as depicted. See Discussion for more details.

Data sources and procedure

This review is limited to articles written in English and published in peer-reviewed journals covering adult samples. Research on autonomy and exercise in adolescents and children (typically based in school and physical education) was excluded, as well as studies with competitive athletic samples. Both are specific settings and were considered distinct from leisure-time or health-related exercise participation in adults, the focus of this review. The review includes both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, investigating clinical and/or general population samples, and using diverse quantitative methodological approaches. A systematic literature search of studies published between 1960 and June 2011 was undertaken on the computerized psychological and sport databases PsycINFO and SportDiscus. The following strategy was used: TX (autonomous motivation OR autonomous regulation OR intrinsic motivation OR controlled regulation OR autonomy OR self-determination OR treatment regulations OR goals OR motives OR basic needs OR autonomy-supportive climate) AND TX (physical activity OR exercise OR exercise behavior OR leisure-time physical activity) Limiters were: Scholarly (peer-reviewed) journals; English Language; Adulthood (> 18 yr); Specific subjects: exercise OR motivation OR self-determination. This search yielded 660 articles. Abstracts were read and, of those, all potentially relevant full manuscripts were retrieved (n = 73). At this stage, studies were excluded which did not include either SDT variables or physical activity variables (accounting for most of the excluded studies), that used non-adult samples, and that reported achievement/performance outcomes related to PE classes. Next, reference lists of retrieved articles, previous review articles on the topic, and books were also reviewed, and manual searches were conducted in the databases and journals for authors who regularly publish in this area. This search yielded 11 additional manuscripts, totaling 84 potentially relevant manuscripts. Next, manuscripts were read and the following inclusion criteria used to select the final set of manuscripts: inclusion of non-athletic samples; outcomes included exercise/physical activity behaviors; reported direct associations between self-determination variables and physical activity outcomes. A total of 66 studies fulfilled all inclusion criteria and thus were included in this review. Of these, ten were experimental, eleven prospective, forty-two cross-sectional, and three used mixed designs.

Studies were initially coded with a bibliography number, but independent samples ( K ) were considered as the unit of analysis in the current review since a few studies used the same sample while other studies reported analyses on multiple samples. Data tables (Table 1 ) were constructed and encompassed sample characteristics of study populations, motivational predictors of exercise behavior, instruments of assessment, exercise-related outcomes, research designs, and statistical methods used to test the associations.

Organization of SDT predictors

Studies were generally organized based on the self-determination theory process model, depicted in Figure 1 . The goal of the present manuscript was not to test this model per se , which would involve a considerably larger analysis. Instead, we focused exclusively on relations between each of these categories of variables and exercise outcomes (described below). Results concerning exercise self-regulations are listed first, followed by findings reporting the association between psychological needs satisfaction and exercise behavioral outcomes. Next, results concerning the measures of exercise motives/goals are reported, followed by findings regarding the association between perceived need support and exercise. Exercise causality orientation studies are listed last. In addition, we also identified interventions based on SDT and analyzed their effects on exercise outcomes.

Exercise-related outcomes

Exercise behavior was evaluated through self-reported measures (e.g., 7-day Physical Activity Recall (PAR) [ 25 ], Godin Leisure-Time Exercise Questionnaire (LTEQ) [ 26 ]) in a total of 55 independent samples (78%). Three studies (representing 4 original samples) used accelerometry or pedometry to measure physical activity (6%). Measures of stages of change for exercise participation were employed in 13 samples (18%). A few other indicators were also used in some cases (8%), namely exercise attendance, number of exercise relapses, and exercise dropout.

Data coding and analyses

Summary tables were created based on the analysis of the available data (Tables 2 and 3 ). Sample characteristics (i.e., sample size, age, gender) were summarized using a tallying system and resulted in total counts (see Table 2 ). The percentage of independent samples presenting each characteristic from the total number of samples was also included. A summary of the evidence for each SDT-based construct was determined through a calculation of the percentage of independent samples supporting each association, based on whether the association was statistically significant or not (see Table 3 ). In all studies, significance level was set at 0.05. The measures of association varied across the studies’ statistical methods, as indicated in the column “observations” in Table 1 , including correlation and multiple regression coefficients, t -test or ANOVA group differences (e.g., between active and inactive groups), discriminant function coefficients, and structural equation model path coefficients, among others. Because many studies included bivariate associations (or direct paths in structural models) and also multivariate associations (in regression or in structural models), these were analyzed separately (see Table 2 ). A sum code was built for each motivational construct based on the following classification system: Positive (++) for percentage K ≥75% and (+) for percentage K between 50-75% showing positive associations in both bivariate and multivariate tests; 0/+ or 0/- when the evidence was split between no association (0) and either positive or negative associations, respectively; and (?) for other results indicating inconsistent findings or indeterminate results due to a small number of studies available).

Characteristics of studies and samples

The 66 located studies comprised a total of 72 independent samples. The number of samples was higher than the total number of studies because some studies analyzed data originating from more than one sample (two samples: [ 27 ], [ 28 ], [ 29 ]; three samples: [ 30 ]; six samples: [ 31 ]). On the other hand, 7 studies were published using data from three original samples ([ 18 , 33 , 32 ]; [ 35 , 34 ]; [ 17 , 36 ]). A summary of the demographic characteristics of participants and samples is reported in Table 2 . Samples tended to be mixed gender and included a range of populations (e.g., healthy individuals, chronic disease patients, overweight/obese individuals, exercisers), predominantly from Western cultures (97%), and mainly aged between 25–65 years-old.

From the studies eligible for this review, 53 ( K  = 57) analyzed associations between self-regulations and exercise behavioral outcomes, 17 studies ( K  = 17) investigated the relations between basic psychological needs and exercise, 12 studies ( K  = 15) tested the associations between motives and exercise, and 13 studies ( K  = 12) included measures of perceived need support and evaluated its predictive effect on exercise-related outcomes (see Table 3 ). Seven intervention studies, corresponding to 6 actual interventions, were identified. It should be noted that relations reported in the intervention studies were also analyzed in the other sections (e.g., regulations, need support, etc.)

Motivational predictors of exercise-related outcomes

Exercise behavioral regulations. A total of 57 samples (53 studies) analyzed associations between regulations and exercise behavior. Of these, 37 were used in cross-sectional designs, 10 in prospective designs, 7 in experimental studies, and 2 in mixed designs. Regulations were assessed with different instruments (53% with the Behavioural Regulation in Exercise Questionnaire (BREQ) and with Markland and Tobin’s revised version (BREQ-2) [ 37 ] and reported results in several ways: Relative autonomy was evaluated as a composite score (e.g., the Relative Autonomy Index (RAI), by which individual regulations are weighted and summed to give an index of the extent to which a person’s behavior is more or less autonomously regulated) in 23% of the cases (none of which were experimental designs); autonomous and controlled regulations were grouped and analyzed as two higher-level types of regulation in 21% and 14% of the cases, respectively. All major forms of regulation were assessed and discriminated in 71% of the cases.

Nearly all studies using measures of relative autonomy (8 of 9  K ) reported positive associations with exercise behavior while studies investigating autonomous and controlled forms of regulation ( K =  11 and K =  5, respectively) also found consistent, positive associations favoring autonomous regulations as a predictor of exercise outcomes (82/91%, depending on whether bivariate or multivariate analysis is used). On the other hand, 3 independent samples (60%) showed negative associations in multivariate models for non self-determined regulations, all others (40%) showing no association. In bivariate analyses, results for controlled regulations unanimously showed no association. Results were similar across different study designs, suggesting consistent positive effects of autonomous regulations on exercise behavior, and either negative or null effects associated with controlled regulations. In one study with longer-term follow-up measurements, prospective associations between regulations and exercise behavior were reported [ 33 ] (see also Figure 2 ). The authors found that both 12 and 24-month autonomous regulations, but not controlled regulations, mediated the effects of a SDT-based intervention on self-reported exercise at 24 months [ 32 ].

figure 2

Title. Self-reported minutes of moderate and vigorous exercise per week as a function of exercise autonomous motivation. Analysis includes 141 participants of the PESO trial [ 67 ] and data reports to variables assessed at 12 months (intervention end), 24 months (1 year follow-up with no contact) and 36 months (2-year follow-up). The time-point values in exercise and motivational variables at each assessment period were used (not change). Values used for tertile-split groups of autonomous motivation were calculated including all subjects (intervention and control groups collapsed), adjusting for experimental group membership. Autonomous motivation includes the identified regulation and intrinsic motivation subscales of the Exercise Self-Regulation Questionnaire [ 84 ]. Self-reported exercise was assessed with the 7-day Physical Activity Recall interview [ 25 ] and quantifies moderate and vigorous structured physical activity (METs > 3) performed in the previous week (or typical of the previous month if previous week was atypical, see reference 27 for more details). Panels B, D, and F show cross-sectional associations (variables assessed at the same time point) and panels A, C, and E show “prospective” associations (motivation assessed one year earlier than exercise). F for one-way ANOVA with letters in bar indicating multiple comparisons with Bonferroni post-hoc tests (different letters indicate different means, p < .05).

Specific results concerning the separate autonomous types of motivation showed positive associations between identified regulation and exercise behavior in 28 samples (74%) in multivariate analyses and 22 samples (85%) in bivariate analyses. The only exception was a study by Moreno et al. where the mean value for identified regulation was lower in a group reporting 60+ min of exercise than among those who exercised less than 60 min (presumably each day; no details are provided). Of note also are the mixed results found by Edmunds et al. (2007) displaying negative associations for identified regulations in a multilevel model, but positive cross-sectional associations at each of the 3 times points. The authors indicated that the multilevel results “should be ignored as they are a consequence of net suppression” [ 38 ]; pg.737]. In 3 studies that analyzed identified regulations [ 36 , 40 , 39 ], no significant association emerged. Regarding intrinsic motivation, positive associations with exercise behavior were reported in 23 or 22 independent samples (62% or 92%), in multivariate or bivariate analyses respectively. No study reported negative associations and results were consistent independent of study design. Few studies have tested the role of integrated regulation, but it appears to positively predict exercise behavior. Of 8 samples analyzed, 62-75% found positive associations with physical activity, with increased consistency found in bivariate analyses.

In an attempt to further clarify which single self-determined type of motivation is more closely related with behavior outcomes, a comparative analysis between identified and intrinsic motivation findings was undertaken. Twenty-five studies ( K =  31) reported significant associations for both variables, of which 12  K were derived from multivariate analysis, 5  K from correlational analysis, and 4  K from both types of analysis. Seven studies ( K =  7) found associations for identified regulation in multivariate analysis, but only bivariate associations for intrinsic motivation [ 44 , 45 , 43 , 42 , 41 ]. Three studies/samples showed the converse [ 48 , 47 , 33 ], reporting associations for intrinsic motivation in multivariate analysis and only correlational bivariate associations for identified regulation. It should be noted that no study tested whether the differences between the association coefficients (for identified regulation vs. intrinsic motivation) with exercise were significant. Wilson et al. (2002) investigated bivariate predictors of different physical activity intensities [ 49 ] and found that at mild intensities, associations were significant only for identified regulation; for moderately intense and strenuous exercise, both identified regulation and intrinsic motivation were significant predictors. Three additional studies/samples showed significant associations only for identified regulation [ 50 , 51 , 38 ]. In another study ( K =  1) this regulation was the only variable predicting fewer exercise relapses [ 52 ]. On the other hand, two studies found significant associations only for intrinsic motivation [ 54 , 53 ].

For integrated regulation, only 6 studies ( K  = 8) were available. Comparing results for integrated versus identified regulations no differences were found in the patterns of association for all but one study [ 85 ] where there was a significant bivariate association with exercise for integrated but not identified regulation. Comparing results between integrated regulation and intrinsic motivation, two studies show integrated regulation, but not intrinsic motivation, as a significant predictor of exercise in multivariate models [ 41 , 38 ] whereas in a different study the opposite trend was observed using bivariate associations [ 28 ].

All studies measuring stages of change for exercise participation ( K =  7) showed that autonomous regulations increased across stages, being the highest in the action/maintenance stages. However, only one study formally tested differences for regulations’ means across stages of change [ 52 ]. They found that for identified regulation there was a progressive increase from preparation to action to maintenance stage (ANOVA F = 25.1, p < 0.001) whereas for intrinsic motivation, maintenance had significantly higher means than both preparation and action stages (F = 27.5, p < 0.001). Five of these studies used the BREQ/BREQ-2 and 4 of these used discriminant function analysis. In these 4 studies, identified regulation loaded slightly stronger than intrinsic motivation on the primary discriminant functions distinguishing across stages of change. Authors tended to conclude that identified regulation played a more important role in exercise adherence when the full range of stages of change is considered. Finally, in a study examining change in behavioral regulations among exercise initiates, Rodgers et al. showed that both identified and intrinsic motivation increased overtime and that, compared to regular exercisers, initiates’ levels of identified and intrinsic motivations remained below regular exercisers’ levels even after 6 months of physical activity [ 31 ]. Authors also concluded that identified motivation appeared to increase faster than intrinsic motivation in these early stages of exercise adoption [ 31 ].

Results from multivariate analysis concerning the controlled types of motivation showed negative associations between external regulation and exercise behavior in 16 independent samples (43%). The remaining samples (57%) showed no associations. The trend for the absence of an association between external regulation and exercise was more apparent in bivariate analysis (77%). Regarding external regulation across stages of change, results show that external regulation generally decreases across stages, being higher in the preparation/action stages than in the maintenance stage. Furthermore, when comparing genders, results suggest that among males external regulation is negatively associated with exercise in the latter stages of change (i.e., maintenance) whereas among female there is no association at this stage.

Regarding introjected regulation, multivariate analysis showed positive associations with physical activity in 11 independent samples (30%), 1 study ( K = 2 ) found negative associations (5%) and all others showed no association (65%). Bivariate results pointed in a similar direction, but showed more positive associations (52%). Despite the positive associations with exercise behaviors, the strength of association for introjected regulation appears to be lower compared to self-determined types of motivation, as reported in several studies [e.g., [ 55 , 49 ]. A closer look into the way introjected regulation predicts exercise participation over time shows mixed findings. Rodgers et al. (2010) studied initiate exercisers and found significant, but small, increases in introjection overtime, noting that these changes occurred mainly in the early stages of exercise participation [ 31 ]. Increases in introjected regulation were also observed across stages of change in 5 of 7 independent samples, although these were only significant in one case [e.g., [ 52 ]. In contrast, Silva and colleagues showed that although introjected regulation was cross-sectionally associated with exercise at 12- and 24-month time points, 12-month regulation did not prospectively predict (nor did it mediate) 24-month exercise outcomes [ 33 , 32 ].

A possible gender effect might be relevant to understand these mixed findings regarding introjected regulations. In effect, a closer examination of all the studies that explored gender differences with respect to the association between exercise regulations and behavior suggests that introjected regulation may be more positively associated with exercise among females, whereas among males the association is negative or zero [e.g., [ 45 , 41 ]. Within the studies examining differences across stages, results suggest that introjection is relevant for both genders in the action stage, but that in the maintenance stage it is more relevant for women than for men [ 56 , 55 ]. It should be noted that only two studies reported associations for men: one showed a positive association in the action stage and negative in the maintenance stage [ 55 ] and another study showed a tendency towards a positive association in the action/maintenance stage [ 57 ]. For studies with mixed samples and not reporting gender differences (the majority) the associations are mixed. Experimental studies confirm this pattern of mixed results, some showing increases in introjected regulation over the course of an exercise program [e.g., [ 39 ] and some showing no significant changes [e.g., [ 58 ]. One notes that null or unreliable results from introjection are theoretically expected within SDT, in which introjection is seen as an unstable basis for motivation without positive long-term utility.

Regarding amotivation, 5 independent samples (36%) showed negative associations with exercise outcomes in multivariate analysis; the remaining studies ( K =  9) showed no associations. Correlational analysis showed negative associations in 9 samples (69%) and no association in 4 samples (31%).

Need satisfaction. A total of 17 samples/studies were used to analyze the associations between basic psychological needs and exercise behavior. Ten samples were evaluated in cross-sectional designs, 3 within prospective studies and 3 in experimental designs. One study used mixed methods (cross-sectional and prospective). Different instruments were used to assess basic needs, a fact that does not facilitate the comparison of results between studies. The Psychological Need Satisfaction for Exercise Scale [ 16 ] was adopted in 24% of the cases and was the most frequently used measure. Competence was assessed in 14 (82%) independent samples, autonomy in 11 (65%) samples, and relatedness in 9 (53%) independent samples. An examination of the specific multivariate results for each basic need showed that perceived competence was positively associated with physical activity in 56% of the independent samples, while the remaining samples showed no association (44%). The pattern of association was much clearer in correlational analysis with 12 samples (92%) reporting positive associations. Regarding autonomy need satisfaction, findings were mixed and generally ranged from no association (60% in multivariate analysis) to moderate positive or negative associations (20% for each). Nevertheless, positive correlations were reported in 5 studies/samples (50%) using bivariate analysis. Regarding relatedness, multivariate results consistently reported an absence of associations with exercise behavior ( K =  4, 100%). Correlations showed a similar pattern, even though a general trend towards a positive association with exercise behavior was identified (38%). No negative associations with exercise outcomes were observed for the perceived fulfillment of any of the 3 needs. A composite score was created to assess overall exercise psychological need satisfaction in 2 (of 17) samples; positive associations with exercise behavior were reported in both cases.

Exercise motives. A total of 12 studies ( K =  15) investigated the associations between motives (or goal contents) and exercise behavior. Of these studies, 8 were cross-sectional, 3 prospective, and 1 used a mixed design (cross-sectional and experimental). Regarding the instruments used to measure exercise motives, there is some inconsistency: the Motives for Physical Activity Measure (MPAM) or MPAM revised/adapted versions [ 59 , 27 ] of it were used in 6 independent samples (40%), 3 samples (20%) measured exercise motives using the Exercise Motivations Inventory - 2 (EMI-2) [ 60 ], and in other 3 samples (20%) the Intrinsic Motivation Inventory (IMI) [ 61 ] was employed to evaluate intrinsic motives and the Extrinsic Motivation Inventory (Lee’s EMI) [ 62 ] to measure extrinsic motives. Sebire and colleagues (2009) [ 19 ] used the recently developed Goal Content for Exercise Questionnaire [ 63 ] while Segar and colleagues used an inductive, qualitative method to assess exercise motives in one study [ 64 ], and performed a cluster analysis to identify homogeneous groups of goals, intrinsic and extrinsic, in another study [ 65 ].

Multivariate results showed that intrinsic motives (e.g., challenge, affiliation, enjoyment) were positively associated with exercise behavior in all samples ( K =  8, 100%). A similar trend was observed in correlations (75%). Regarding body-related motives, multivariate findings were mixed regardless of the statistical analysis performed: in multivariate analysis, 25% of the samples showed positive associations and 25% reported negative associations; in correlational analysis, a general trend towards a positive association was identified (63%). The pattern of association was less clear for health/fitness motives with 33% showing positive associations, 33% showing negative associations, and other 33% not finding any association. There was only one study/sample performing correlational analysis to explore the links between health motives and exercise [ 46 ]; positive associations were reported. As expected from theory, controlled motives (social recognition, appearance/weight) did not predict, or negatively predicted, exercise participation [ 46 ].

Perceived need support. Environments perceived as more need-supportive were positively associated with increased levels of self-reported physical activity in 3 (of 6) independent samples tested with multivariate analysis (50%). This increased to 73% ( K =  8) in correlational analysis. The remaining studies/samples showed no association. In the majority (67%) of independent samples perceived need support was assessed using the Health Care Climate Questionnaire [ 66 ].

SDT-based Interventions. To date, only a few interventions have been designed to promote exercise-related behaviors by specifically increasing personal autonomy in the form of exercise autonomous self-regulation in adults [e.g., [ 17 , 40 , 68 , 39 , 67 , 69 ]. Some of these trials are still ongoing and all have been conducted in Western cultures. Of 7 interventions (with available data), 6 (86%) found significant differences favoring the SDT-based intervention group for perceived autonomy support, need satisfaction, and autonomous and introjected regulations for exercise, as well as greater self-reported exercise. In addition, one of these interventions found gender differences, reporting significant increases in perceived autonomy support and self-reported exercise only for women [ 40 ]. In contrast, there was one study in a clinical setting that did not find significant differences in perceived autonomy support and exercise behavior between autonomy support group and controls [ 68 ]. The authors argued that their additional individual SDT-based 4-week intervention, added to standard cardiac rehabilitation, might have been too limited (i.e., an insufficient number of sessions) to achieve significant between-group differences.

Edmunds and colleagues tested a SDT-based intervention in an exercise setting, examining the effect of an autonomy-supportive teaching style on female exercisers’ psychological needs, motivational regulations, and exercise behaviors during a 10-wk exercise program [ 39 ]. They found that the intervention increased autonomous self-regulation, need satisfaction, and attendance [ 39 ]. Although not a randomized controlled trial, results were similar to those obtained in several RCTs. For instance, Fortier et al. [ 17 ] tested an autonomy-promoting counseling protocol for promoting physical activity in sedentary primary care patients in a 13-week RCT. Results showed that the intervention was successful in changing autonomous self-regulation to reach activity goals (vs. a brief counseling protocol) and that higher autonomous regulation for exercise mid-intervention predicted higher levels of physical activity at the end of the intervention in the intervention group. The longest RCT to date to evaluate autonomy support, need satisfaction, motivation, and exercise behaviors was implemented in 239 overweight women, through 30 weekly group sessions for about 1 year, with a 2-year follow-up [ 67 ]. A few features of this study clearly distinguish it from the remaining intervention studies reviewed (see Table 2 , table VI): larger sample, considerably longer intervention and follow-up assessments up to 3 years, and the use of mediation analysis to predict long-term changes in physical activity. Results showed that the intervention was perceived as need-supportive, it increased perceptions of competence and autonomy for exercise, increased autonomous regulations (and to a lesser degree introjected regulation, but not external regulation), and increased exercise behavior [ 18 ]. Exercise level was clearly associated with level of autonomous motivation for all subjects, both concurrently and prospectively, as depicted in Figure 2 . Only autonomous regulations were found to mediate the intervention effect on exercise in the long-term [ 33 , 32 ].

The aim of this review was to examine the empirical literature on the relations between SDT-based constructs and exercise and physical activity. The review demonstrates the recent growth in the application of this theory to the study of exercise and physical activity motivation, with 53 of the 66 papers identified being published in the last five years. The theory has been applied to a wide range of physical activity contexts including recreational exercise, weight loss programs and clinical populations, and across a range of ages. The majority of studies employed cross-sectional designs but comparable results are found across cross-sectional, prospective, and experimental designs.

Behavioral regulation and exercise

The vast majority of studies included an examination of the relations between behavioral regulation and exercise behavior. Of these, most included some or all of the individual regulations specified within SDT whereas others have collapsed autonomous and controlled forms of regulation into summary scales or adopted the RAI. The results show consistent support for a positive relation between more autonomous forms of motivation and exercise behavior, whether single regulation, summary measures, or the RAI are used. Intervention studies are also clearly supportive as are studies examining the endorsement of different forms of behavioral regulation across the stages of change, consistently showing that more self-determined regulations distinguish between individuals in the later stages from those in the early stages.

When considering the more autonomous forms of behavioral regulation separately, positive associations for identified regulation are found slightly more consistently in comparison to intrinsic motivation in multivariate analyses, whereas intrinsic motivation is somewhat more consistently predictive of exercise behavior in bivariate analyses. A similar trend was found for integrated regulation versus intrinsic motivation, but based on much fewer studies. This could be interpreted as suggesting that, independent of other regulatory motives, identified regulation (or integrated regulation) is the single best correlate of exercise. This notwithstanding, the SDT continuum of motivation [ 10 ] suggests that regulations that are more closely located in the continuum of autonomy specified by SDT (such as identified and integrated regulation, and intrinsic motivation) are expected to share some degree of variance, highlighting the theoretical expectation that regulatory factors are often simultaneously operative. This renders the question of which sub-type of autonomous motivation is more important in explaining and promoting exercise behaviors difficult to solve. Nonetheless, a number of authors have discussed this issue, attempting to explain results “favoring” either identified or intrinsic motivation. For example, Mullan et al. [ 57 ] argued that intrinsic motivation alone is unlikely to sustain long-term regular engagement in exercise, given all the organization and commitment it entails. Edmunds et al. [ 44 ] suggested that because sustaining a physically active lifestyle presumably requires a high degree of effort, often for mundane or repetitive activities, regulation by identification with the outcomes may be more important than exercising for fun and enjoyment, or to challenge oneself. Finally, Koestner and Losier (2002) proposed that in behavioral domains that require engagement in a range of different activities that vary in their intrinsic appeal, internalization of the value of the outcomes of the activities is likely to lead to greater persistence than being intrinsically motivated [ 70 ]. Clearly exercise is one such behavioral domain.

Because health promotion campaigns typically market exercise more in terms of health-related outcomes than in terms of its intrinsic value, the primary source of self-determined motivation among active individuals might derive from a valuing of these outcomes, even if they also find exercise intrinsically enjoyable [ 55 ]. Conversely, in contexts where enjoyment in and genuine interest for exercise is emphasized over the outcomes, one might expect intrinsic motivation to be more salient to individuals. In support of this, in Silva et al.’s intervention that explicitly emphasized enjoyment, mastery and challenge rather than the outcomes of exercise, intrinsic motivation was a more consistent predictor than identified regulation of moderate and vigorous exercise [ 33 ]. Clearer definitions of the nature of the exercise behaviors under investigation (type, intensity, volume, duration, time in the same activity), which may vary within and among studies, and their potential appeal to the individual may shed additional light onto this issue. Some types of physical activity may be inherently intrinsically motivating for many individuals, especially when they involve self-chosen optimal challenges that can help people enjoy the sense of autonomy and mastery, factors that underpin intrinsic motivation.

As Daley and Duda [ 55 ] point out, most of the research showing a stronger effect for identified regulation has been cross-sectional and a few studies, including experimental studies lasting for several years, have shown intrinsic motivation to be critical for longer-term engagement [ 44 , 32 ]. Furthermore, a major limitation in interpreting findings concerning a benefit for either identified regulation or intrinsic motivation is that where associations for both have been found, authors have not conducted statistical tests to determine the unique effects of each type of regulation, nor whether the larger effect is in fact statistically significant. Given also the lack of longitudinal or experimental studies to determine whether differential benefits for the two types of regulation might emerge over time, it would be advisable for the time being to recommend fostering both identification and intrinsic motivation in order to promote optimal behavioral outcomes. Both of these autonomous forms of motivation share common antecedents in terms of support for autonomy and competence. Identification could be specifically promoted by emphasizing the personal instrumental value of exercising with regard to health, optimal functioning, and quality of life. At the same time, intrinsic motivation could be promoted by emphasizing fun, skill improvement, personal accomplishment, and excitement while exercising. Furthermore, the focus should be not only on the amount of exercise performed, or long-term adherence per se , but also on the enhanced well-being and vitality associated with exercise. Indeed, intrinsic motivation has been shown to be not only related to persistence at a task but also with psychological health and improved well-being [ 15 ].

The results for more controlled forms of regulation are mixed. No studies have found a positive association for controlled motivation at the summary level of analysis, nor for external regulation at the individual regulation level. However, while a substantial number of studies found a negative association, the majority found no association. There is a trend for external regulation to be negatively associated with exercise in the later stages of change among males, but no association among females, suggesting that more active males might respond more negatively to social pressures to exercise.

Concerning introjected regulation specifically, results are split between positive and null relations with exercise, with a clear predominance of the latter in multivariate analyses. This internally controlling form of regulation is generally theorized to be associated with more maladaptive outcomes such as negative affect, feelings of guilt, and lowered self-esteem [ 12 ]. People who feel internally pressured to exercise are likely to experience some degree of guilt or shame if they do not exercise, and the potential to enjoy it and experience the positive well-being consequences of this behavior will be decreased. Furthermore, research examining the motivating forces behind exercise dependence, which is considered to be maladaptive, has found introjected regulation to be the strongest predictor of this type of dependence [ 51 ]. Nonetheless, the periodic finding of a positive relation between introjection and adaptive behavioral outcomes in both exercise and other behavioral domains has been attributed to the partial internalization of external pressures from, for example, health promotion messages [ 52 ] or parental expectations [ 71 ].

When energized primarily by introjected motives, exercise participation may occur at some cost to psychological health, a factor most exercise adherence studies have not quantified. By contrast, recent evidence in overweight women showed that a summary measure of controlled exercise regulation (including introjected and external regulation items) was unrelated to psychological well-being, although controlled motivation to participate in obesity treatment predicted lower quality of life and self-esteem, and higher state anxiety [ 72 ]. A more refined analysis of introjected forms of motivation, breaking it into an approach-orientated motivation (to seek positive feelings such as self-aggrandizement and pride) and an avoidance-oriented motivation (to avoid negative feelings such as shame, guilt, and anxiety) could help clarify the role of introjected regulation on psychological and possibly also on behavioral outcomes [ 20 ]. Introjected avoidance regulation has been shown to yield more negative psychological correlates, including less engagement in school or poorer sports performance than introjected approach regulation [ 73 ]. The former was also more strongly associated with identified regulation than the latter. To our knowledge, studies have not yet addressed the differential association of these subtypes of introjected regulation with exercise behavior adoption or persistence.

The studies reviewed here also show a trend for an increase in introjection over time in the longitudinal or experimental studies, or across stages of change. However, observed (or assumed) increases in introjection with time do not necessarily mean that this variable explains or mediates increases in exercise. For instance, introjection has been found to be significantly associated with exercise when both were measured at the same time point, but not prospectively [ 32 ], suggesting that regulation by introjection may not lead to sustained exercise behavior. Furthermore, and despite observed increases in introjected regulation as a result of an SDT-based intervention [ 18 ], only autonomous motivation was predictive of long-term moderate and vigorous exercise in mediation analysis [ 32 ]. Unfortunately, there is only one study [ 32 ] reporting such long-term prospective associations between experimentally-induced changes in motivation and exercise behavior.

Our analysis of the relation between introjection and exercise for those studies reporting associations separately for males and females provides some evidence for a gender effect. Where such effects occur, introjection appears to be more positively associated with exercise among women, whereas among men there is a negative association or no association, especially in the maintenance stage of change. Some studies also report no differences. Given the pervasive societal and media pressures on women to have a slim and toned physique [ 74 ], this is perhaps not surprising. In the majority of studies, gender differences are not reported, making it difficult to draw firm conclusions but the trends we observe here for both introjection and external regulation suggest that future research would do well to consider possible gender differences rather than assuming no such differences and collapsing data across gender.

Finally, with regard to behavioral regulations and exercise, unsurprisingly no studies found a positive association between amotivation and exercise. The remaining studies showed either a predominance of null findings (nearly 70% in multivariate analyses) or negative associations (64% in bivariate analyses). Closer examination of these studies shows a trend for a sample effect. In all five studies showing no association the samples comprised either non-exercisers or a mixture of non-exercisers and exercisers, while the majority of studies showing negative associations comprised regular exercisers. Furthermore, it is noteworthy that fewer studies have assessed amotivation in comparison to those assessing the other regulations. This is understandable given that amotivation refers to the absence of both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and represents a complete lack of self-determination and volition with respect to the target behavior [ 12 ]. Therefore one would expect to rarely see highly amotivated individuals in exercise settings. Additionally, different authors have put forth the hypothesis that individuals could also be autonomously motivated to not participate in exercise upon consideration, perhaps even when they can perceive some value in the behavior [ 7 , 20 ]. In some respect, they would be “autonomously amotivated” towards exercising. To the extent this would occur, it might also confound the association between amotivation and exercise, since these individuals might not score high on typical amotivation items such as “I don’t see the point in exercising” and “I think that exercising is a waste of time”, despite behind sedentary. It should also be noted that, empirically, it is difficult to distinguish amotivation from a lack of controlled or autonomous regulation [ 46 ]. Hence, including amotivation along with controlled and autonomous regulation in the same model might introduce a confound and could help explain the absence of associations in multivariate analyses.

Need satisfaction and exercise

Rather less attention has been paid to examining the associations between satisfaction of psychological needs and exercise than for behavioral regulations. The use of different instruments to assess basic need satisfaction (both domain-general and domain-specific measures), differences in the number of needs assessed, and their combined or separate analyses do not facilitate easy comparison of results across studies. Generally, competence satisfaction has been the most frequently assessed need and the literature shows consistent support for a positive association with exercise. In this review, twice as many studies reported bivariate associations between need satisfaction and exercise, compared to multivariate analyses. In bivariate analyses, no studies report a negative association between autonomy and exercise and the remaining results are split equally between positive and null associations whereas multivariate results are more mixed. Results for relatedness satisfaction are also mixed in bivariate analyses, although again no studies found a negative association with exercise. The exercise context might explain a lack of association for relatedness satisfaction. In some contexts, engaging in solitary exercise being the most obvious, the need for relatedness might simply not be an issue. Inconsistency in the measures used to assess the needs, and therefore their operational definitions, and a lack of applicability of particular scales to different exercise contexts might be concealing positive associations for autonomy.

In interpreting the results for need satisfaction and exercise, it is important to note that only direct effects of need satisfaction on exercise (whether from bivariate or multivariate association or direct paths in structural models) were considered in the present review, a fact that does not consider their indirect effects. In fact, theorizing within SDT stresses that the internalization of behavioral regulations is fostered by the satisfaction of basic psychological needs, and thus autonomous regulations would mediate associations between need satisfaction and behavioral outcomes. In current interpretations of mediation analysis, a significant association between an independent and a dependent variable is not a necessary condition for the possible occurrence of significant indirect (i.e., mediated) effects between them [ 75 ]. This highlights the importance of conducting more sophisticated analyses, such as path analysis or structural equation modeling, to clarify the mediating role of need satisfaction in the development of self-determined motivation. Indeed, going beyond the simple direct associations between behavioral regulations or need satisfaction and exercise (which are the main focus of this review), it is important to note that several studies have tested one or more parts of SDT’s proposed motivational sequence(s) for physical activity behaviors (see Figure 1 ). Relations from perceived autonomy support to exercise behavior, via psychological needs and regulatory styles have been tested (in part or all) in several studies and in general these confirm the proposed sequences [ 17 , 44 , 43 , 77 , 76 , 38 , 33 ]. In one case this was tested with a longitudinal randomized controlled trial using structural equation modeling [ 33 , 32 ], which empirically supported the motivational sequence proposed by SDT (i.e., need-supportive health care climate - > need satisfaction - > autonomous exercise regulation - > exercise behaviors).

Participation motives and exercise

Following some early work in the 1990s, there has been a resurgence of research in recent years on the role of exercise participation motives or goal contents. The rationale for this is that some motives (e.g., affiliation, skill development) are more intrinsically-oriented and likely to be experienced as autonomous whereas others (e.g., body-related motives such as weight or appearance management) are more extrinsic and likely to be experienced as internally controlling. Studies show a consistent positive association between more intrinsic motives and exercise. Findings for fitness/health and body-related motives are mixed. For fitness/health, although no studies found a negative association, an absence of association is more frequently found than positive associations. This might reflect different ways in which fitness/health motives have been operationalized. Health/fitness motives can reflect health pressures or threats (e.g., medical advice) or be associated with drives for thinness or an attractive image. Yet health and fitness motives can also reflect more positive concerns such as general health promotion, increasing physical strength for performing daily activities, reducing pain (e.g. lower back pain or discomfort in joints), or feeling more energy and vitality. Thus, conceptually, being concerned about health or fitness per se cannot be easily defined as either intrinsic or extrinsic, as it depends on what the motive means to the individual [ 78 ].

Similarly, results for body-related motives results are also mixed, despite a preponderance of both positive and null findings, relative to negative associations. For a more in-depth understanding of the relation between participation motives and exercise, the characteristics of exercise participation (e.g. type, intensity, total volume) and type of sample need to be taken into account. For example, Frederick and Ryan (1993) compared individuals whose primary physical activity was a sport with individuals whose primary physical activity was a non-sport fitness activity [ 59 ]. The sport participants had higher interest/enjoyment and competence motives whereas the fitness participants had higher body-related motives. Furthermore, the apparent positive (at least in the short term) role of these motives on exercise may then be mediated by the development of introjected regulation. Ingledew et al. [ 79 , 46 ] found that body related motives were associated with introjections and a recent study [ 41 ] found that introjected regulation predicted exercise intensity among females.

It is important to note, as Markland and Ingledew pointed out [ 46 ], that holding controlled motivations is not necessarily problematic, motivationally speaking, as long as self-determined regulations are also held. It has been suggested [ 20 ], for example, that a person may strive for a physically appealing body (an “extrinsic” motive) because her partner praises her good looks (controlled motivation) and at the same time she may personally value a fit appearance (autonomous motivation). Thus, although intrinsic goals tend to be pursued for autonomous reasons and extrinsic goals tend to be pursued for controlled reasons [ 81 ], the content of, and reasons for pursuing aspirations can be empirically crossed. Therefore, exercise promotion programs should take care not to explicitly or implicitly denigrate appearance/weight motive or any other motive for exercising, which may lead individuals to perceive that their autonomy is threatened, with consequent defiance and dropout [ 46 ]. Instead, acknowledging the validity of individuals’ motives in a need-supportive context may ultimately promote movement away from controlled regulations toward more autonomous commitments to be active.

Experimental studies

It is encouraging to see that in more recent years researchers have turned their attention to experimental studies evaluating interventions based on SDT principles. However, all but one were shorter than 3 months in duration and involved a small amount of contact time with the participants, in some cases amounting to approximately 2–3 in-person sessions. The remaining contacts were performed via telephone [e.g., [ 17 , 68 , 69 ], and one of these interventions relied solely on email booster messages to promote self-determined motivation and behavior change [ 40 ]. By contrast, one intervention provided substantially more contact time, (thirty 2-hour group sessions for about 1 year [ 18 , 67 ]). Not surprisingly, intensity, depth, and strategies used to promote personal autonomy and the development of intrinsic motivation for exercise also varied among these interventions. Some interventions were limited to strategies such as encouraging participants to make their own choices, providing information, setting realistic goals, and/or encouraging participants to seek and find forms of social support [e.g., [ 17 , 40 ]. Others included a more comprehensive set of strategies, more fully embracing SDT propositions [ 18 , 39 , 67 ] including providing a clear rationale for behavior change, acknowledging ambivalence and internal conflict, providing a menu of options, minimizing controlling influences (e.g., use of pressure, demands, and extrinsic rewards), and promoting competence through optimal challenge and giving informative feedback [ 18 , 33 , 32 ]. In sum, existing interventions are limited in number and highly varied. Longer and more comprehensive longitudinal interventions are needed, especially those which work toward the development of autonomous motivation, allow more time for changes in motivational and behavioral processes to take place, and assess whether those changes (and associations) persist in the long-term.

Conclusions

Overall, this review provides good evidence for the value of SDT in understanding and promoting exercise behavior. The clearest finding of this review concerns the beneficial role of developing autonomous self-regulation, be it predominantly via autonomous forms of extrinsic regulation (i.e., identified and integrated regulation) or enhanced intrinsic motivation. The present literature is consistent in showing that all forms of autonomous regulation predict exercise participation across a range of samples and settings. There is also increasing evidence that a motivational profile marked by high autonomous motivation is important to sustain exercise behaviors over time, although the pool of studies supporting this inference is limited. Longer-term studies and follow-ups will be especially important in evaluating the relative efficacy of identified versus intrinsic regulations in exercise maintenance. For the moment, evidence is consistent with the hypothesis that reporting well-internalized extrinsic regulations, such as personally valuing certain outcomes of exercise, is a particularly important factor for initial adoption (when cognitive factors such as rationally weighing pros and cons may be decisive but experiential knowledge of exercise may be limited). Conversely, there is some indication that a predominance of intrinsic motivation (i.e., valuing the actual experience of exercise) is especially important for longer-term exercise participation. It is also important to highlight the strong co-variance between identified/integrated regulations and intrinsic motivation, especially since these different forms of autonomous motivation share some common antecedents that would be applied in intervention settings.

We suspect future studies may come to identify significant moderating factors for the role of specific regulations on exercise adherence, such as age, gender, previous health conditions, or social norms and social desirability. For instance, current public campaigns against obesity may have enhanced the perceived utility of exercise for weight control and health (as a preventive or treatment “medicine”), inadvertently minimizing experiential rewards of exercise such as social interaction, expression of personal skills and abilities, self-development, or pure enjoyment. The experiential qualities of exercise were highlighted as a critical factor for adherence in a recent review of mediators of physical activity behavior change [ 82 ]. On this note, it is perhaps no coincidence that in the current public health dialogue about “exercise as medicine”, physical activities not typically associated with the term “exercise” such as playing sports, dancing, or outdoor exploration activities are rarely mentioned. From a public health/exercise promotion perspective, this could be a limiting factor if such activities, rich in their intrinsic appeal although less likely to be monitored and supervised, are not considered viable options in professionals’ exercise prescriptions or as targets of public policy promotions. Again, future research with long-term outcomes and also exploring predictors of different forms of exercise should help elucidate these issues.

Two additional conclusions can be derived from the present review. One is that having more intrinsic participation motives or goals associated with exercise, such as affiliation and social engagement, challenge, and skill development, is clearly associated with greater exercise participation. Since these motives are associated with intrinsic motivation [ 22 , 34 ], it may be especially important that health professionals are trained in distinguishing the “signs” of intrinsic (vs. extrinsic) motives in their patients and promoting them at every opportunity, aiming at long-term exercise maintenance. The other is that reporting increased perceived competence for exercise is also positively predictive of more adaptive exercise behavioral outcomes. Together, the previous findings have important implications for practice. It serves as evidence-based support for health professionals to strive not only to provide sufficient structure and optimal challenge to promote feelings of mastery and competence in their clients and patients, but also to encourage professionals to actively explore with the people they counsel reasons to be physically active that go beyond the most common motives such as improved body shape and attractiveness. Finally, as we discussed previously, the consequences of health and fitness-related motives, including weight loss, are perhaps more complex and likely moderated by other motivational aspects.

Limitations in the collective body of work are worthy of consideration as they bear on avenues for future research. A major limitation concerns the heterogeneity of the samples in the majority of studies. Heterogeneity within samples with regard to such factors as age, gender, weight or body composition, and fitness status may be contributing to variability across studies. While general motivational patterns are likely to remain constant (e.g., autonomous motivation being more likely to promote long-term exercise adherence), there may be much to learn by examining motivational profiles that are specific to different demographic groups or to individuals at different stages of change for exercise. For instance, a recent study [ 63 ] highlights the existence of different patterns of motivation between long-term exercisers versus beginners. Similarly, more enduring individual differences could be explored. Only one study has examined the relations between exercise causality orientations and exercise, and none have explored general causality orientations, despite the fact that such individual difference measures have been shown to predict adaptive outcomes in other health-related contexts [e.g., [ 108 ]. Finally, SDT has a history of strong experimental work on motivational factors but experimental work in the exercise domain itself could be expanded to better examine the causal mechanisms and process aspects of motivation for physical activity. Cross-sectional research is now abundant, and generally supportive, but it needs to be complemented with more applied intervention and translational studies that adequately model, implement, and evaluate key hypotheses about why and how individuals adopt and sustain more physically active lifestyles.

The methodology used in this review may also limit its conclusions. First, unpublished studies, evidence from grey literature, and data from non-English publications were not included. Although this is a frequent occurrence in scientific systematic review papers, it may provide an incomplete account of all studies in this area. Second, the way in which results from each study were classified and quantified (see Table 3 ) is somewhat arbitrary and subject to criticism and various interpretations. Third, as stated before, the decision to only evaluate direct paths is also inherently limiting considering that the distal effects of some variables on behavior is thought to be mediated by other intermediate variables. Unfortunately, few studies are available to assess these more complete causal paths. Finally, our definition of “behavioral variable” to describe the outcome of choice, lumping together self-report and direct measures of behavior, and also attendance and stages of change is clearly not without reproach. Although we felt this was the best decision considering the relative paucity of studies for various measures, future studies might want to be more specific and/or selective in their outcomes of choice.

In sum, it is clear that the exercise domain has provided fertile ground for testing SDT’s precepts. While testing and developing theory is a worthwhile activity in its own right, the real significance of SDT will be realized if it can be employed to actually make a positive difference in peoples’ lives. In this regard, the growing evidence for the utility of SDT-based interventions for promoting the adoption and maintenance of exercise is a significant advance. Future studies would do well to include biological markers of successful exercise-related outcomes such as increased fitness and reductions in disease risk factors. Similarly, studies that include markers of psychological well-being and mental health, such as self-esteem, vitality, and symptoms of anxiety and depression symptomatology would also be useful, given that according to SDT only autonomously regulated behaviors can translate into enhanced psychological wellness. Extending SDT´s applicability beyond behavioral engagement in exercise to actual improvements in health and well-being would thus be another important step for SDT research to influence health care policy and delivery.

a Exercise outcomes covered in this review include what is normally termed “exercise” (purposeful and formalized leisure-time physical activity, often with the goal of improving fitness or health) but also, in a few cases, less structured forms of exercise (e.g., walking minutes), energy expenditure measures, and accelerometry data (which cannot distinguish between different forms of activity). Although the term “physical activity” would aptly cover the entire range of outcomes in this review, “exercise” is a more specific term to what the large majority of studies measured, with the use of instruments such as the Godin Leisure Time Exercise Questionnaires (LTEQ, used in 55 independent samples [77.5%]). For this reason, we will use the two terms indiscriminately in this review.

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Pedro J Teixeira, Eliana V Carraça & Marlene N Silva

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David Markland

Department of Clinical and Social Sciences in Psychology, University of Rochester, Rochester, NY, USA

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PJT conceived this manuscript and led the writing team. EVC conducted the study search, summarized the quantitative review, and drafted the Results section. DM made substantial contributions to the Discussion section. DM, RMR, EVC, and MNS revised the entire manuscript and made important contributions in various sections. All authors read and approved the final version of the manuscript.

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Teixeira, P.J., Carraça, E.V., Markland, D. et al. Exercise, physical activity, and self-determination theory: A systematic review. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 9 , 78 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1186/1479-5868-9-78

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