research paper on poverty in the philippines

KEY FINDINGS Overcoming Poverty and Inequality in the Philippines: Past, Present, and Prospects for the Future

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• The Philippines has made significant progress in reducing poverty, but income inequality has only recently begun to fall. Thanks to high growth rates and structural transformation, between 1985 and 2018 poverty fell by two-thirds. However, income inequality did not begin to decline until 2012. It is still high: the top 1 percent of earners together capture 17 percent of national income, with only 14 percent being shared by the bottom 50 percent.
• Several structural factors contribute to the persistence of inequality. The expansion of secondary education and mobility to better-paying jobs, citizen ownership of more assets and access to basic services, and government social assistance have helped reduce inequality since the mid-2000s. However, unequal opportunities, lack of access to tertiary education and a scarcity of skills, coupled with inequality in returns to college education, gendered social norms and childcare, and spatial gaps, sustain inequality.
• Inequality of opportunity limits the potential for upward mobility. While there has been considerable progress in expanding access to basic services such as electricity, safe drinking water, and school enrollment, large disparities limit the development of human capital. Inequality of opportunity and low intergenerational mobility waste human potential, resulting in a lack of innovation and a misallocation of human capital in the economy.
• While schooling is widely accessible, its quality and attainment vary by income group. Children from poorer households are less likely to be enrolled and, if they are, to reach age-appropriate grade levels. That means they are less likely to reach tertiary education, which severely constrains their earning potential and their prospects for upward mobility. With the relatively low share of workers with tertiary education, the premium for college education has remained high. Additionally, tertiary education tends to deliver much higher returns for rich than poor households, possibly due to differences in school quality or f ields of study and employment.
• COVID-19 partly reversed decades-long gains in reducing poverty and inequality. The pandemic halted economic growth momentum in 2020, and unemployment shot up in industries that require inperson work. In 2021, poverty rose to 18.1 percent despite large government assistance. The economy has begun to rebound but signs are emerging that the recovery will be uneven. Prolonged loss of income has taken a heavy toll on the poorest households. With food prices going up and a reliance on adverse coping strategies, among them eating less, there is a risk of serious consequences for the health and nutrition of children in vulnerable households.
• The shock from the COVID-19 pandemic led to a shift in the workforce to less productive sectors and occupations. Employment in wage work has notably decreased and employment in agriculture has risen. These trends have been concentrated among youth and the least educated, which suggests an uneven recovery and widening income inequality.
• The pandemic is likely to result in long-term scarring of human capital development. Over half of households estimate that their children learned from remote learning less than half what they would have learned from face-to-face schooling. The proportion increases to 68 percent in poor households. Extended distance learning is expected to have reduced the learning-adjusted years of schooling by over a full year. Learning loss, combined with the de-skilling associated with prolonged unemployment, could lead to sizable future earnings losses.
• Job polarization could further increase as the nature of work changes. Job polarization among wage workers emerged between 2016 and 2021: employment in middle-skilled occupations went down and employment in both low-skilled and high-skilled occupations went up. This pattern may rise with the transformation of jobs post-COVID-19 and could increase prevailing disparities in incomes.
• Policy can reduce inequality by supporting employment and workers, improving education access and quality, promoting inclusive rural development, strengthening social protection mechanisms, and addressing inequality of opportunity.

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What Has Really Happened to Poverty in the Philippines?: New Measures Evidence and Policy Implications

July 31, 2013.

Poverty is increasingly recognized as a multidimensional phenomenon, yet its assessment continues to be conducted almost exclusively in terms of income (or expenditure). This practice is prevalent partly because low household incomes are casually associated with other deprivation indicators, such as low levels of literacy and life expectancy.

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POVERTY AND THE FILIPINO MINDSET- RESEARCH PAPER - (Autosaved).docx

This research study explores on the impact of poverty from the perception of the very poor and marginalized sector of the urban and rural barangays of Zamboanga City. Based on the empirical data-based findings, there are significant indicators that indeed would lead to a logical conclusions that there exists a debilitating psycho-social malady common among the poorest of the poor sectors of our society befitting of a ”mindset” that necessitates a much needed care and responsiveness from our local authorities with the view of eradicating poverty from its roots. This mentality problem has to be addressed foremost vis-à-vis with the financial aid that is presently being implemented by our government thru the DSWD’s 4P’s program.

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Poverty is a phenomenon that is brought by several factors which are further aggravated by social conditioning, behavior, and practices of these marginalized folks. A grounded theory qualitative research approach was utilized to distill information relative to understanding poverty among the adolescents and elderly participants using focus group discussions as data triangulation method. Results showed that adolescents had high hopes and aspirations to escape poverty given the proper education. Yet, their actions did not complement towards the attainment of such goal. The elderly, on the other hand, believed that young people when taken the right action could escape poverty, but admitted they had failed in their efforts when they were young due to wrong actions and habits. Moreover, their contradicting practices of poverty alleviation had a direct influence on the young ones, thus, might exacerbate this dire situation. Irene's understanding poverty theory is generated explaining the understanding of persistent poverty in Samar. It is a composite of several constructs such as conditioning, the low education, the felt helplessness and habits which were embedded in the subculture of Samar people. A recommendation to adopt more mainstream behaviors, eradicate bad habits while policies should also be designed to move these marginalized communities towards an economic reform mindset is necessary.

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MOHAMMAD-YUSOPH P. MAPIA, International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research & Reviews, Vol 03, No. 03, pp. 34-48, Autumn 2024

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Poverty has been a problem in the Philippines. Corruption, unemployment, and low access to education are considered contributors to this undesirable phenomenon. Utilizing a systematic review approach, this paper aimed to describe the challenges of poverty in the Philippines, the poverty trends, and the initiatives and frameworks of the country for this problem. The review shows that the Philippines is on the right track considering the poverty trends of the country. Numerous policies and programs have been administered by the different departments and agencies to meet the "no poverty" goal of the country. Various frameworks have been formulated and updated as well. Hence, it is highly recommended that the country should remain steadfast and strengthen its monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to ensure that the country remains on the right track towards the goal. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH & REVIEWS j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w. i j m r r. o n li n e / in d e x. p h p / h o m e

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This paper is a systematic review of the theories distilled from the contemporary literatures on rural poverty in the Philippines. There are five sociological theories which explainsthe rural poverty in the country: individual attributes, culture, and religious beliefs; access and entitlements; political and economic situation; social circumstances; and unpredicted shocks. Accordingly, rural poverty is still individual phenomena affected by wider economic, political and societal circumstances that lead the rural poor to greater inequality.Using the framework developed from five theories, it is essential that the government and development planners to consider foremost individual attributes while considering their culture and beliefs. They also must ensure the access to essential resources, institutionalized favorable political and economic environment that will benefit them, promote equality, and provide safety nets to lessen the vulnerability to unpredicted shocks.

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Philippines’ Conditional Cash Transfer Program (Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program): Its Impact Towards Student-Beneficiaries

15 Pages Posted: 13 Sep 2024

Bonifacio Montes Jumetilco Jr.

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The Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps) is a conditional cash transfer (CCT) initiative launched in 2007 created by the World Bank and the Philippine government. This study seeks to examine how demographic variables such as sex, age, parents' educational attainment, and family income sources influence former student-beneficiaries' attitudes towards the 4Ps program, the emotional support they received from their families, and their motivation to pursue higher education. The study utilizes descriptive correlational research design. The respondents demonstrate very high levels of positive attitudes towards the 4Ps program, strong motivation to pursue higher education, and high perceived family emotional support.

Keywords: Keywords: Biliran, college education, conditional cash transfer, human capital, Philippines, poverty, self-determination, student-beneficiaries

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Articles & Commentaries > ISEAS Perspective > 2024

2024/69 “Feeding the Gap: Examining the Nexus of Food Insecurity, Gender, and Poverty in the Philippines” by Veronica L. Gregorio

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

• A significant number of Filipino families continue to rate themselves as food poor. This means having limited access to nutritious and adequate food to meet their dietary needs for a healthy life.
• This paper shows that urban poor adolescents eat three times a day. Despite financial constraints, families from poor households often prioritise the nutritional needs of their children, particularly those attending school.
• Moreover, vegetables are more staple in the diets of the urban poor. As one parent casually shared, “Mayaman ba sila para pumili ng ulam?” (Are they rich to be picky with food?), shows that while their children snack on sweets or soft drinks in schools, they eat vegetables at home.
• Women bring home the bacon, then cook it. Although a substantial number of mothers are breadwinners, it does not diminish the expectation that they will also do the food preparation for the family.
• Lastly, sons can cook as well. With 84.6% of the survey respondents reporting that they can cook, this points to a notable trend where cooking skills are widely distributed across genders, not just among females.

* Veronica L. Gregorio is Lecturer, NUS College of Humanities and Sciences (Social Science Division). She is also Associate Fellow, ISEAS Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS) Programme, and Associate, NUS ARI Food Politics and Society (FPS) Cluster.

ISEAS Perspective 2024/69, 12 September 2024

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INTRODUCTION [1]

In June 2024, the national Social Weather Survey (SWS) found that 58% of Filipino families rate themselves as Mahirap or Poor, 12% see themselves as Borderline (positioning themselves on the dividing line between Poor and Not Poor), and only 30% consider themselves as Hindi Mahirap or Not Poor.[2] Being food poor means having limited access to nutritious and adequate food to meet dietary needs for a healthy life. In short, being food poor is equal to experiencing a certain level of food insecurity. The UN Food and Agriculture Association uses the Food Insecurity Experience Scale (FIES) to measure food insecurity. According to this scale, food security to mild insecurity includes having uncertainty regarding the ability to obtain food; this is followed by moderate food insecurity, which means compromising on food quality and variety and reducing food quantity and skipping meals. In the extreme part of the scale is severe food insecurity which means having no food for a day or more.[3]

This issue is not entirely new to the Philippines. To combat the current status of being moderate food insecure, the national government, led by the Department of Social and Welfare Development (DSWD), started the pilot implementation of “Walang Gutom [iv] 2027: Food Stamp Program” last July 2023. This programme provides PHP 3,000 (USD 53.58) worth of food credit per month through registered electronic benefit transfer cards. As a pilot implementation, it is being tested on 3,000 families identified as food poor nationwide. While the programme aims to improve nutritional intake, the framing of the issue raises a series of problems. For instance, DSWD Secretary Rex Gatchalian, explained, “We want to educate our fellow citizens, especially those who are food poor, to buy the right food and cook the right food so that over the next four years they can be part of the programme focusing on social behavioural change – because according to the data, Filipinos still consume a lot of the wrong kinds of food.” [v]

But is it really about the food poor’s own individual choice of buying and consuming of the “wrong” food? In this paper, I argue that these households are already aware of what constitutes healthy food (balanced diet of meat, vegetables, and fruits); and that their primary challenge is having consistent access to it. Moreover, I also propose some ways to further explore the issue of food insecurity, gender, and poverty in the country. This includes studying socio-cultural changes overtime, understanding family health as a whole, and reconsidering the potential of “street food.”

CONTEXT OF STUDY

Based on a survey with 350 student participants from a public high school (Grade 7 to Grade 12), combined with participant observation among urban poor households in Metro Manila, I aim to examine how foodways, food choices and family dynamics are intertwined. I will highlight the results on how to better understand food choices in relation to socio-economic and cultural contexts. Participant observations were done during February 2023 and December 2023, while the self-administered online survey was conducted in April 2024. The survey includes qualitative questions about food intake and preferences.

RESULTS AND ANALYSIS

Among the surveyed students, 55% come from families with a primary earner’s monthly income of Php 10,000 (USD 180) or less, 21% earn between Php 10,001 and 20,000 (USD 180-360), 13% earn between Php 20,001 and 30,000 (USD 360-540), and 11% earn more than Php 30,000 (USD 540). Based on this breakdown, using the identified social classes of the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS) [vi] , 55% of the students belong to poor households and 21% belong to low-income households.

Key Finding 1: Urban poor adolescents eat three times a day

A majority of the participants (47.1%) eat three meals a day. Looking at the qualitative responses about food intake, they mostly eat banana cue/turon, street food, and soft drinks for afternoon snacks (before or after attending school) while they have rice and one dish for lunch and dinner (mostly chicken meat). For those who take breakfast, most of them eat bread (pandesal), egg, rice (if available), biscuits, and coffee.

Table 1. How many meals do you eat in a day?

Despite financial constraints, families from poor households often prioritise the nutritional needs of their children, particularly those attending school. During my participant observation, it became evident that both parents, and quite frequently, mothers and grandmothers make concerted efforts to ensure that school-going children receive more substantial portions, often including a higher quantity of meat in their meals. While the children enjoy these well-rounded meals, the adults in the household sometimes have soup and some vegetables for themselves. [vii] As one grandmother told me, “Kapag may karne, kanila na iyon. Amin na lang ang sobra… o kaya magbubukas ng de lata (ng sardinas)” (If there is meat, that will be for them (school children), we will take the excess ones… or we can open canned sardines). This practice shows the importance of children in these families, reflecting a commitment to their health.

Key Finding 2: Vegetables are more staple in the diets of urban poor

Table 2. how often does your family eat vegetables.

Table 3. How often does your family eat fruits?

Vegetables are more staple in the diets of urban poor households. This is because it is cheaper and more accessible than meat. If not meat, eggs are the next option. Over lunches and dinners, I came to understand better the view of parents as they repeatedly shared that “Hindi sila pwedeng hindi kakain (ng gulay), e di magugutom sila. Wala naman silang pera pambili ng iba!” (They can’t just not eat (vegetables); otherwise, they’ll get hungry. They don’t have money to buy anything else!). This phrase and other similar comments like “Wala silang choice!” (They don’t have a choice), or “Mayaman ba sila para pumili ng ulam?” (Are they rich to be picky with food?) assures parents that while their children snack on sweets or soft drinks in schools, they eat vegetables at home.

While fruits are preferred, they are not as commonly consumed as vegetables. In a few of my house visits, I observed that households will usually have bananas, which complement the qualitative results of the survey. It is also usually the cheapest fruit available. On days when there is extra money or promotions in the local market, mangoes and papaya will also be included on the table. While on special occasions, like Christmas, oranges and apples will also be included. This shows that when financially capable, poor households are buying and cooking the “correct” food as defined by the DSWD. 

Key Finding 3: Women bring home the bacon, then cook it

A significant majority of the households rely primarily on the father for financial support while mothers are the sole breadwinners in nearly one-third of the families, which is substantial and reflects the role of women in supporting urban poor households economically (see Table 4). The combined income from both parents acting as co-breadwinners is notably less common, compared to more well-off households (middle class), suggesting that in most urban poor families, one parent typically has the role of the main provider. Overall, the data reflects the economic dynamics within urban poor households in the Philippines, where defined gender roles are prevalent, but there is also a significant reliance on the wider family network (grandparents, uncles, and aunts) for financial stability.

Table 4. Who is the primary breadwinner in your family?

While having a significant portion of mothers as breadwinners indicate progress on the role of women, this does not really reduce the expectation for them to have less house work. Table 5 shows fathers are the main cooks in 19.14% of families, which is considerably less than mothers but still a significant portion. Mothers predominantly bear the responsibility for food preparation (60.28%), with other family members contributing to a lesser extent.

Table 5. Who usually cooks the food?

Within the already food insecure urban poor households, women in families, as I mentioned in key finding 1, are the ones who compromise and reduce food quantity, making them more vulnerable to food insecurity than they already are. Such vulnerability is heightened by their tendency to prioritise the nutritional needs of other family members over their own. This is not to argue that women should care less, but instead for men to care more and be attuned to the needs of their partners, not just economically but also in terms of complementing the labour being used for housework.

Key Finding 4: The sons can cook as well

Of the 350 students surveyed, more than half of the respondents are female, while a significant minority are male, and a smaller percentage identify as part of the LGBT+ community. Table 6 reveals the breakdown of participants based on sexual orientation and ability to cook. With a majority reporting that they can cook, this points to a notable trend where cooking skills are widely distributed across genders, not just among females.

Table 6. Crosstab of sexual orientation and ability to cook

In the qualitative responses, the top dishes that they can cook include adobo, tinola, sinigang, breakfast meals, and fried food such as eggs, hotdog, torta, garlic rice, among many others. Students were not around during my house visits for participant observation but mothers and grandmothers shared that the eldest in the family (regardless of sex) is usually in charge of cooking when parents or other adults are not available. Other chores that are “lighter” or not dangerous like sweeping the floor and washing dishes are reserved for the younger siblings. If the males continue to cultivate their cooking skills into adulthood and maintain an active role in meal preparation or other chores, it could signal a progressive shift in domestic roles, leading to more egalitarian family structures and division of labour within the households.

CONCLUSION: SOME QUESTIONS, WAYS TO MOVE FORWARD

The reality is that there are many things to cover when discussing the issue of food insecurity, gender, and poverty. They are linked together and only by thinking holistically and looking beyond the “right or wrong” food choices that we will better understand it. In this section I propose three ways to continue examining the issue.

Socio-cultural analysis

In the Philippine context, household chores are commonly understood to be a collective responsibility rather than being strictly divided along gender lines, especially during childhood and adolescence. From an early age, children are often encouraged to contribute to household work, with tasks shared among siblings. This approach arises from practical necessity, as the adults are engaged in the demands of employment or securing the family’s financial needs, and have less time for these duties.

The question that emerges from this practice is: At what point does this egalitarian approach to household tasks begin to shift towards a more gender-specific division of labour? This transition may be gradual and influenced by various factors, including the modelling of gender roles within the family, the community’s cultural norms, and the economic structure of society. As children grow up and observe the roles predominantly held by men and women around them, they may begin to internalise and replicate these patterns.

A generational and longitudinal analysis could provide valuable insights into how and when household tasks become gendered, and it would involve a comprehensive study that tracks changes over time within different generations. By integrating these two methods, we can gain a multi-layered understanding of temporal changes, life stage transitions, and even about cultural persistence or changes.

Family health is community health

As I highlighted in key findings 1 and 2, the well-being of children is central within families. Parents, alongside other adult family members, consistently strive to ensure that their children receive adequate nutrition, prioritizing the provision of healthy meals even amidst financial constraints. The data indicate that children in these families will reliably have access to three or more meals a day, which includes a regular intake of vegetables and fruits, as long as the family has means to provide. It is only in extreme circumstances, where there are no resources left to draw upon, that the children might face hunger.

However, when discussing food insecurity and assessing health, the focus should not be limited to the children’s weight or unhealthy food consumption alone. A more collective and caring approach needs to be considered that takes into account the health of the entire household. The rationale behind this is the recognition that family health directly impacts community health. If parents are overworked and underpaid, their health will inevitably suffer, which in turn affects the household’s overall well-being.

In the long run, for policymakers, addressing the root causes of food insecurity means creating more decent jobs with just and fair wages. This would enable parents to not only provide for their children’s immediate nutritional needs but also to invest in their household’s long-term health and stability. Therefore, policy initiatives should focus not just on immediate relief such as food stamps, but also on sustainable economic development that can lift households out of the cycle of poverty and, in effect, out of food insecurity.

Second look at “street food”

The perceived unhealthiness of popular street foods like banana cue, turon, kamote cue, and tokneneng often sparks debate, particularly in discussions surrounding their nutritional content versus their affordability and accessibility. These snacks, commonly sold at low prices (Php 15-20 or USD 0.27-0.36) near public schools and in busy street corners, might be perceived as less healthy, not just due to their ingredients and preparation methods but also due to the socio-economic contexts in which they are consumed.

Foods sold cheaply are often stigmatised as inferior or less healthy compared to more expensive options available in supermarkets or restaurants, reflecting a class bias that equates cost with quality. This perspective can overshadow an objective evaluation of their nutritional content and fails to consider the significance and convenience that these foods offer to poor households. This is where class perspectives influence the perception of what constitutes “healthy food.” Is it the nutritional profile alone, or does the socio-economic status of the typical consumer play a role in this labelling?

It is well-documented that many cheaper snacks or meals, characterised by high levels of carbohydrates and sugars, pose significant health risks. However, these options are the most accessible for poor individuals and families, providing them enough energy to get through the day. While it is essential to consider the nutritional aspects of food, understanding the socio-economic factors that influence its selection is also crucial. May it be energy drinks or small amounts of snacks, filling an empty stomach is important to start the day for workers and students.

In the recently concluded State of the Nation Address (SONA 2024), President Bongbong Marcos announced that the Walang Gutom 2027 programme will aim to feed 300,000 food-poor families by end of the year and eventually one million food-poor families by 2027. But is feeding enough? The findings from this research suggest that addressing food access, understanding gender relations, and promoting family health are inseparable from broader socio-economic issues that Filipinos face. We need more empirical studies and policies that consider the connections between these three issues. This approach will not only aid in addressing the current disparities but will also give way for more equitable and sustainable health and nutritional outcomes across the Philippines.

For endnotes, please refer to the original pdf document .

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