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Ross Douthat

Why a Patriotic Education Can Be Valuable

By Ross Douthat

Opinion Columnist

I have my doubts about America. As a Catholic, my first loyalty is to a faith that predates and promises to outlast our Republic, that was disfavored for much of our history and may be headed into disfavor once again. American anti-Catholicism is far from the worst evil in this nation’s history, but it still instills a special obligation to take critiques of our Anglo-liberal-Protestant inheritance seriously, whether they come from radicals or traditionalists or both.

But when it comes to introducing American history to my own American children, none yet older than 10, I’ve realized that we’re giving them a pretty patriotic education: trips to the battlefield at Concord; books like “Johnny Tremain” and the d’Aulaires’ biographies of Lincoln and Franklin and Pocahontas; incantatory readings of “Paul Revere’s Ride.”

One of my son’s favorite books is an account of Lewis and Clark’s mission that pairs extracts from diaries with vivid illustrations. Laura Ingalls Wilder may have been canceled a few years ago, but she’s a dominant literary figure for our daughters. Lee Greenwood’s “God Bless the U.S.A.” plays in our minivan, and when my eldest daughter tries to win arguments by declaring “I’m a free American!” I let the claim stand, rather than answering her with Catholic critiques of liberal individualism.

I should say that we also deliver doses of realism about slavery and segregation and the importance of seeing history from the perspective of the defeated, from the Tories to the Sioux. (Though many older texts contain those perspectives, however un-P.C. their form; tragic realism is not the exclusive province of the early 21st century.) And we are not home-schoolers; our patriotic education interacts with what our kids learn in school and pick up through osmosis in our progressive state and city.

But having written recently about the race-and-history wars, I think it’s worth talking about what makes patriotic education valuable, even if you ultimately want kids to have critical distance from the nation’s sins.

Here I want to disagree mildly with David French, the famous conservative critic of conservatism, who wrote for Time magazine recently chiding parents who are “afraid children will not love their country unless they are taught that their country is good.” The love for country we instill, he argued, shouldn’t rest on American innocence or greatness; rather we should love our country the way we love our family, which means “telling our full story, the good, the bad, and the ugly.”

To which I would say, yes, but … you probably want to feel a certain security in your children’s family bonds before you start telling them about every sin and scandal.

Admittedly there are families where that isn’t possible, as there are political contexts where young kids need to know dark truths upfront. But we aren’t living in Nazi-occupied France, and there is easily enough good in America, past and present, to lay a patriotic foundation, so that more adult forms of knowledge are shaped by a primary sense of loyalty and love.

Moreover, with families, the people you’re supposed to love are usually there with you, and to some extent you can’t help loving them, even in their sins. Whereas the nation’s past is more distant, words and names and complicated legacies, not flesh and blood. So if historical education doesn’t begin with what’s inspiring, a sense of real affection may never take root — risking not just patriotism but a basic interest in the past.

I encounter the latter problem a lot, talking to progressive-minded young people — a sense that history isn’t just unlovable but actually pretty boring, a grim slog through imperialism and cisheteropatriarchy.

Whereas if you teach kids first that the past is filled with people who did remarkable, admirable, courageous things — acts of endurance and creation that seem beyond our own capacity — then you can build the awareness of French’s bad-and-ugly organically, filling out the picture through middle and high school, leaving both a love of country and a fascination with the past intact.

And starting with heroism doesn’t just mean starting with white people: From Harriet Tubman to Martin Luther King Jr., the story of the African-American experience is the most straightforwardly heroic American narrative, the natural core of liberal patriotism — something liberalism understood at the time of Barack Obama’s election, but in its revolutionary and pessimistic mood seems in danger of forgetting.

This idea of a patriotic foundation hardly eliminates controversy. You still have to figure out at what age and in what way you introduce more detail and more darkness. This is as true for Catholic doubts as for radical critiques: I’m not sure exactly how to frame Roe v. Wade and abortion for my older kids.

In this sense French and others to his left are correct — there is no escape from hard historical truths, no simple way to raise educated Americans.

But still I feel no great difficulty letting my children begin, wherever their education takes them, with the old familiar poetry: Here once the embattled farmers stood / And fired the shot heard round the world.

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Ross Douthat has been an Opinion columnist for The Times since 2009. He is the author of several books, most recently, “The Decadent Society.” @ DouthatNYT • Facebook

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What is 'patriotic education' and why is it controversial?

President Donald Trump recently announced plans for a new commission to support "patriotic education."

“We must clear away the twisted web of lies in our schools and classrooms and teach our children the magnificent truth about our country,” he said. “We want our sons and daughters to know they are the citizens of the most exceptional nation in the history of the world."

The September announcement was criticized as the latest move from the Trump administration to block efforts to educate people about the country’s history of racism — education that, of course, may not elicit warm and fuzzy feelings about America among today's students.

But the news may also have left some people wondering: What is a patriotic education in the first place?

A long history of political education

Patriotic education is a form of political education — essentially, efforts to teach people to love America, and that usually starts with children in schools.

“We use the term patriotic education, but it’s meant different things at different moments in history,” said Charles Dorn, a historian and professor of education at Bowdoin College, as well as the co-author of “Patriotic Education in the Global Age,” which was published in 2018.

Dorn pointed out that public education has long been used as a vessel to inspire patriotism. Consider the Pledge of Allegiance or the American flags flying outside most schools.

Language is another example. Throughout the 19th century, many states permitted schools to teach in the predominant language of their area — in parts of Ohio, home to many German settlers, that meant teachers taught in German. In Louisiana, it was French. New Mexico had a bilingual program of Spanish and English. But at the end of the century, those laws were revoked as part of an effort to create a national identity, he explained.

“The thinking now is that if you’re going to be a good patriotic American, you have to speak American English,” Dorn said.

The U.S. also wanted to “Americanize” immigrants who had begun to arrive from eastern and southern Europe, and the way to do that was through positive stories in history class — think of the tale of George Washington cutting down the cherry tree or the story of the Mayflower triumphantly sailing to Plymouth Rock and marking the birth of a new nation.

“When the president gave his speech at the National Archives (Museum), I had to smile, because engraved on the National Archives building is a quote from Shakespeare’s ‘The Tempest’ — ‘What’s past is prologue’ — and I thought to myself, ‘Yeah, not only is it prologue, but it’s prologue again and again and again when it comes to this issue of political education,’” Dorn said.

So what’s the problem?

On its face, the term patriotic education seems harmless enough: There's nothing wrong with patriotism, right? And everyone agrees that education is a good thing.

But experts say that patriotic education has become code for teachings that omit or downplay important parts of history, such as slavery.

What Trump calls "patriotic education" is racist education. — Ibram X. Kendi (@DrIbram) September 18, 2020

“What Trump calls ‘patriotic education’ is racist education,” historian Ibram X. Kendi , author of “How to be an Antiracist,” wrote on Twitter.

Jeff Sharlet, an author and English professor at Dartmouth College, wrote in a viral Twitter thread how he studied patriotic education while researching his 2008 book, "The Family: The Secret Fundamentalism at the Heart of American Power.”

"Patriotic education" is Stephen Miller's fascism + Mike Pence's fundamentalism. Some years ago, I took a course in "patriotic education" for my book THE FAMILY. I spent a season reading its textbooks & talking to its teachers. Here's what to expect... A thread. — Jeff Sharlet (@JeffSharlet) September 18, 2020

Sharlet called patriotic education a “fundamentalist concept” and described a curriculum that’s based on the notion that the U.S. was founded as a Christian nation and proposes that the Constitution is divine and “impervious to expanding ideas of rights.” He wrote that the "patriotic education" course he took focused greatly on Stonewall Jackson, a Confederate general in the Civil War. (A statue of Jackson was removed in Richmond this summer.)

The cultural war over what to teach

Trump has criticicized history courses that cover where America went wrong, saying that anti-racism teachings are “child abuse” and calling out “left-wing indoctrination” in schools.

But teachers say that’s far from what’s happening in today’s classrooms. In fact, many argue that most textbooks used today go the opposite direction and whitewash history.

The process of choosing textbooks is highly politicized and varies by state, but in general, Dorn says the most textbooks are noncontroversial by design, since publishing companies aren’t going to waste money printing textbooks they know state commissions won’t approve.

“You wind up with very long, very boring books that most kids hate reading,” Dorn said. “That is a result of a process that is meant to take any edges off politically. So the idea of liberal indoctrination sort of belies what teachers are doing in schools.”

The White House did not say when Trump would sign his executive order. It's also not clear exactly how the commission would work, since the federal government doesn't control schools; it's up to local government and school boards to decide what to teach.

What does patriotic education look like?

Those who are curious about what Trump means when he says "patriotic education" can look to Larry Schweikart, a retired history professor and co-author of "The Patriot's History of the United States," which is considered a counterpoint to Howard Zinn's "A People's History of the United States." He recently wrote on Twitter that he's among those being considered for a position on the commission.

Schweikart told TODAY in an email that he believes in American exceptionalism, a concept that's key to patriotic education. His approach to history focuses on the claim that the United States began with a Christian, mostly Protestant religious tradition and emphasizes the free market economic system, common law and private property ownership.

Critics say Schweikart's teachings are an oversimplified version of history, and that a focus on exceptionalism can be dangerous.

As far as the "patriotic" part of patriotic education goes, Schweikart provided a metaphor: A man says he loves his wife, but he constantly criticizes her in public and speaks only of her faults, refuses to wear a wedding ring or say in public that he loves her, excuses people who beat her up, among other things.

"Any person who treats his country like that cannot in any sense ever be a 'patriot,'" he said.

Other educators say that loving a country means understanding all of its history, good and bad.

John Hopper, a history teacher and the dean of students at Granada High School in Granada, Colorado, is behind an effort to teach people about Amache, a former Japanese American prison camp in Colorado that few people know.

"It kills me when so many people have no clue it happened," he told TODAY. "Like, you can't erase this from our history. Please don't do this."

He feels the same way about other dark parts of the country's past.

"There's not a country out there that hasn't made mistakes," he said. "But you've got to learn from them. You've got to teach them, so you don't make the same mistake again."

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Patriotic Education in a Global Age

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The central question for this book is whether schools should attempt to cultivate patriotism, and if so why, how, and with what conception of patriotism in mind. Through an integrated historical and philosophical approach, the book demonstrates that there have been many and diverse attempts to cultivate patriotism in public schools in the United States and that they have been predicated on different conceptions of patriotism, citizenship, and learning. In order to evaluate the various practices of patriotic education and their underlying assumptions, it addresses the nature of virtue and the motivational foundations of civic responsibility, and it frames a general approach to the ethics of education. It argues that the history of attempts to cultivate patriotism in schools offers both cautionary and positive lessons for the present age of globalization and nativist, populist, and reactionary movements. It concludes that there is a virtuous form of patriotism and that inclusive and enabling just school communities may contribute to its development. Yet, it also concludes that civic virtue is what schools should aim to cultivate, and that civic education should be organized around three components of civic virtue, namely civic intelligence, civic friendship, and civic competence. The book holds that virtuous patriotism is an appropriate responsiveness to a country’s value, and that such responsiveness is one part of civic virtue that is also responsive to what has value beyond one’s own country. It concludes with a defense of collegiate education for global civic friendship, intelligence, and competence in addressing unsolved problems.

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Patriotic Education in a Global Age

• Randall Curren and Charles Dorn
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• Language: English
• Publisher: University of Chicago Press
• Copyright year: 2018
• Audience: Professional and scholarly;
• Main content: 192
• Keywords: education ; curriculum ; patriotism ; national identity ; pedagogy ; service ; militarism ; justice ; civic virtue ; intelligence ; friendship ; competence ; educational goals ; dissent ; protest ; politics ; nationalism ; citizenship ; democracy ; environment ; pledge of allegiance ; populism ; authoritarianism ; polarization ; heroes ; ritual ; nonfiction ; students ; political engagement ; informed voters ; history
• Published: April 30, 2018
• ISBN: 9780226552422

Patriotic Education in a Global Age

Randall Curren and Charles Dorn

192 pages | 6 x 9 | © 2018

History and Philosophy of Education Series

Education: Education--Economics, Law, Politics , Education--General Studies , History of Education , Philosophy of Education , Pre-School, Elementary and Secondary Education

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"The fifth entry in the History and Philosophy of Education Series from the University of Chicago Press maintains the impressively high standard set by its predecessors. . . . The authors write with elegance and authority: their history of patriotism in schools is masterful and their general theory of education largely compelling. Like its sister volumes, Patriotic Education in a Global Age stands as a powerful testament to the value of collaboration between historians and philosophers."

Theory and Research in Education

"Unique in that it is the product of a seven-year collaboration between a historian and a philosopher that investigated the intersections between patriotism and civic education, and it employs previously ignored findings from motivation research to support the authors’ arguments for patriotic education. . . . The historical examples they discuss are appropriate and interesting, their reasoning and investigation is systematic, thorough, and rigorous, and they have drawn on relevant philosophical and psychological theories to guide their inquiry. . . . Drawing from diverse disciplines including history, philosophy, psychology, and education, Curren and Dorn provide an insightful account of the aims, rationales, methods, and conceptions that have been featured in US patriotic education."

Historical Studies in Education

"By articulating a new conception of virtuous patriotism and by emphasizing the importance of civic virtues, such as civic intelligence and civic friendship, for human flourishing, Curren and Dorn make an important new contribution to our  understanding of the nature and the promise of education for virtuous civic engagement. . . . Particularly compelling about Curren and Dorn’s vision of patriotic education is their respect for diversity and dissent, their appreciation of the value of autonomy, creativity, and critical thinking. . . . Another particularly valuable aspect of Patriotic Education in a Global Age is the interdisciplinarity of Curren and Dorn’s approach—the novel way in which they bring together insights from history, philosophy and psychology to forge a single perspective on patriotic education that draws on the resources of all these disciplines."

Natalia Rogach | Studies in Philosophy and Education

"An unflinching analysis of one of the more enduring and vexing tensions of education in the contemporary moment. Namely, in an increasingly diverse and interconnected world, what sense can be made of a civic education that endorses patriotism? . . . Curren and Dorn address this concern with an impartiality and rigor that marks this project as a true exploration. In their book, they provide a historical context of patriotism in civic education in the US alongside a normative philosophical analysis of the general aims of civic education, ultimately arguing that a nuanced patriotism deserves a presence within and through the pursuit of these aims. . . . Curren and Dorn deserve real praise for the fine accomplishment of this book. Their sensitivity to hard questions of a difficult history (especially so in its potential relative to race and immigrant status) of political education in the US serves them well in constructing a compelling theory of civic virtue, virtuous patriotism, and global virtuous patriotism as these impact educational efforts. To my mind, this courageous book initiates a welcome new chapter in an impressively timely and urgent conversation."

Winston C. Thompson | Studies in Philosophy and Education

"This is a book with a golden glow, of first-rate intellectual quality, with the optimism and hope couched in a tolerant democratic liberalism that has been so often seen as the hallmark of what counts as American scholarship, too frequently described as the property of the ‘Western liberal elite’. . . . Informative, important and interesting."

Hugh Sockett | Studies in Philosophy and Education

“The received wisdom about patriotism in virtue-ethics and civic-education circles is that it is at best anachronistic; at worst a retrograde and flawed virtue. This fascinating study dispels the received wisdom through an argument that draws on rich historical, philosophical, psychological, and educational sources. The book develops an account of virtuous patriotism , answerable to moral standards that transcend, and sometimes override, a country’s ideals. This compelling account is of a demilitarized, demythologized virtue that allows for dissent and involves moral motivation and good judgment. The authors delineate civic intelligence, civic friendship,  and  civic competence  as components of civic virtue and end up proposing nothing less than a comprehensive theory of civic education . This book is a must-read for anyone interested in civic education–and bold enough to be ready to give patriotism a second hearing.”

Kristján Kristjánsson, Professor of Character Education and Virtue Ethics, University of Birmingham, U.K.

“A compelling vision of how a virtuous patriotism might be taught within a framework of liberal globalism. It combines excellent historical and philosophical scholarship in the service of a vision of what a virtuous patriotic education might look like. Although it concentrates on America, its commitments and viewpoint have ready general application and will also be appreciated by those outside the United States.”

Dave Archard, Queen’s University, Belfast

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Patriotism, Schools, and the Public

As a young public school student growing up in rural Montana, I don’t recall wondering why there was an American flag hanging in every classroom. Similarly, perfunctory recitations of the Pledge of Allegiance seemed a natural part of the day, like morning announcements or recess. And of course, I accepted that the start of any varsity sporting event had to be preceded by a rendition of the “Star-Spangled Banner.” Yet after I started high school in 2001, I began to have more questions about how these rituals became standard facets of my educational experience. In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks and amid the buildup to the Iraq War, I was struck to see politicians and news anchors suddenly donning flag pins and to hear country musicians pivot to “love it or leave it” sloganeering. The message seemed clear: true patriots supported the war and the president. Finding myself on the other side of those issues, I began to view the patriotic iconography that surrounded me in a different light.

Even though I lacked the time, the means, and perhaps most importantly, the wherewithal to mount any serious investigation into the roots of patriotic education as a teenager, these questions continued to nag at me. Halfway through college, I decided to major in history—a path that eventually led me to graduate school. As master’s student, I started researching patriotic education campaigns from over a century earlier, focusing on what the era’s lessons about citizenship and national loyalty conveyed to students. Gradually, however, I became more interested in the messages that school leaders were sending to parents and community members. As I poured over accounts of late nineteenth-century school parades where pupils marched through city streets toting flags, I realized that such events served just as much as advertisements for public education as teaching moments for students. In the Progressive Era, a period of widespread social and political upheaval, educators from coast to coast used displays like these to suggest that the nation’s increasingly complex problems had a relatively simple solution. American public schools, they argued, had the unique ability to unify the nation while preparing budding citizens for the challenges posed by the modern world.

My book, Making Schools American: Nationalism and the Origin of Modern Educational Politics , reveals how a wide range of Americans from varying backgrounds and with divergent politics embraced these messages, albeit under strikingly different terms. It helps explain why educational matters went from being an afterthought in the minds of many late nineteenth-century Americans to having a starring role in modern politics. Progressive school reformers thought that wrapping schools in the flag would give their work a patriotic gloss, but they also believed schools to be a genuinely unifying force. Their efforts made schooling broadly popular and expanded the scope and reach of state and local systems, but as anyone familiar with the current state of educational politics could attest, this shift has had mixed consequences. While surveys indicate that most Americans still see their local public schools in a positive light , debates over what students should learn about their nation’s past and the very meaning of good citizenship continue to divide us.

To be sure, I never figured that I would eventually write a book about this subject when I was a teenager. I didn’t even know whether I would go to college—I was the first person in my immediate family to do so. My community’s K-12 public school played a major role in nurturing my curiosity about the world around me and giving me the skills I needed to succeed after graduation. The fact that I had this opportunity at all owes in large part to the efforts of Progressive-era school reformers, who expanded educational access by arguing that in order to become sturdy democratic citizens, young Americans—regardless of their means or where they lived—needed a good education. Yet, as my work demonstrates, those same arguments also seeded ongoing attempts to narrow what students could learn or discuss in schools, and even gave fodder to those eager to brand the public system itself a failure. In short, Making Schools American —as the subtitle suggests—offers key insight into the origin of modern educational politics and the shifting contours of American nationalism, issues that are as relevant and contested as ever today.

Cody D. Ewert

News Patriotism, Schools, and the Public May 23, 2022

Echoing Decades of Fighting Over U.S. History Classrooms, President Trump Announces a Push for ‘Patriotic Education’

A mid the ongoing national crisis over the deadly COVID-19 virus, the President of the United States warned of another national crisis on Thursday: the “ideological poison” of “radical” history education.

Speaking on Constitution Day from the National Archives—where original copies of the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States and the Bill of Rights are on display—during a White House conference on American History, President Donald Trump announced that he was signing an executive order to establish the “1776 Commission,” a group that would “promote patriotic education,” and that the National Endowment for the Humanities would be awarding a grant to support the development of a “pro-American curriculum that celebrates the truth about our nation’s great history.”

In the course of his announcement, Trump claimed that people on the left want to “bully Americans into abandoning their values, their heritage and their very way of life,” and denounced the forces that he blamed for propagating that view in history classes. He called the New York Times’ 1619 Project, which reframes the story of nation’s founding around the arrival of the first enslaved Africans in Virginia, “toxic propaganda,” and he also singled out the late Howard Zinn, author of A People’s History of the United States. Zinn’s book, widely used in schools since it was published in 1980, is credited for helping popularize a bottom-up approach to history, as an alternative to telling the story of the U.S. via the top-down achievements of elite white men.

Such approaches to history, which encourage students to challenge long-standing narratives about national heroes, are “ideological poison, that if not removed will dissolve the civic bonds that tie us together,” Trump said. Under his plan, he said, “Our youth will be taught to love America with all of their heart and all of their soul.”

The federally-funded “patriotic” curriculum Trump promised is set to be an adaptation of Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story, by Wilfred M. McClay, a University of Oklahoma historian who also spoke at the Thursday event . Prior to the President’s speech, a panel of professors and education experts—as well as Ben Carson, Secretary of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development—sang the book’s praises. When it came out last year, it was hailed by the right-leaning The National Review as “essential” and “an extraordinary act of patriotism”; on the other side, Georgetown University history professor Michael Kazin argued it “ignores most social movements ” and gives the “silent treatment to the long struggle for black freedom.”

While there are voluntary national guidelines for history education, the U.S. has no specific federally mandated curriculum for the subject.

But this wasn’t the first time Trump has tackled the topic of history curricula. His speech elaborated on a tweet he sent last week expressing horror that schools were teaching the 1619 Project’s accompanying curriculum , not long after he told federal agencies to halt sensitivity trainings that incorporate critical race theory, a framework that examines American history and culture through the lens of race.

“We will never submit to tyranny,” Trump assured the audience, arguing baselessly that radicals want to keep Americans from speaking the truth. “We will reclaim our history.”

Get your history fix in one place: sign up for the weekly TIME History newsletter

And while Trump’s push for “patriotic education” via McClay’s work may be new, it in fact echoes decades of conservative efforts to counter Zinn’s narrative, says Adam Laats, historian and author of The Other School Reformers: Conservative Activism in American Education. Examples include David Barton’s WallBuilders project, “dedicated to presenting America’s forgotten history and heroes,” and A Patriot’s History of the United States: From Columbus’s Great Discovery to the War on Terror , a 2004 book by Larry Schweikart and Michael Allen. (Zinn’s work has come in for criticism from academic historians on the left too, but the field today broadly acknowledges that a full recounting of history cannot be made without taking into account the lived experiences of people beyond the halls of power.)

More general efforts to encourage the inculcation of patriotism via the history classroom are even older than that, as TIME reported earlier this week . During the Red Scare of the 1920s, the American Legion attempted to develop a patriotic textbook . And in the 1960s and ’70s, the U.S. Supreme Court’s nixing of school-sponsored prayer, combined with busing efforts to integrate schools, fueled conservative concerns about the state of public education that continue to this day, Laats says.

But, all along, other historians have argued that, even accepting the premise that history education should instill patriotism—a premise to which many object—the way to do so is to give students the full picture, not to focus exclusively on the moments of glory. In 1948, when his work was banned from schools for seeming too favorable to communism, curriculum writer Paul Hanna argued that students would be more likely to fall for propaganda if they were spared the more unsavory parts of their own country’s history.

On Twitter, historian Joanne Freeman echoed that idea Thursday, writing that to “love a nation is to embrace it with all its complexity.”

I just sent this to a media outlet that asked me to respond to today's "history" conference. Passing it along. pic.twitter.com/dM9S5YYY3F — Dr. Joanne Freeman (@jbf1755 on lots o’ platforms) (@jbf1755) September 17, 2020

And while Trump worries Howard Zinn and the 1619 Project will make Americans “ashamed” of their country, recent polls indicate that Americans are ready to learn. A Southern Poverty Law Center poll published Thursday found that 70% of Americans support anti-racism education policies “to reduce and prevent hate and extremism”; Pew polling found that roughly the same majority believe that acknowledging the nation’s historical flaws makes the U.S. stronger today.

Not everyone who feels that way was entirely dismayed by the President’s announcement. Nikole Hannah-Jones, one of the creators of the 1619 Project, tweeted that she takes “great satisfaction” from some aspects of the fight against her work—after all, those who try to suppress it only prove how significant its impact has been.

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Trump Announces 'Patriotic Education' Commission, A Largely Political Move

President Trump holds a Constitution Day proclamation after speaking Thursday during the White House Conference on American History at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

President Trump holds a Constitution Day proclamation after speaking Thursday during the White House Conference on American History at the National Archives in Washington, D.C.

In austere, starkly divisive remarks, President Trump on Thursday said he would create a commission to promote "patriotic education" and announced the creation of a grant to develop a "pro-American curriculum." The move is largely political — a reaction to a growing push by some academics for schools to teach an American history that better acknowledges slavery and systemic racism.

In the speech, Trump decried what he said was a "twisted web of lies" being taught in U.S. classrooms about systemic racism in America, calling it "a form of child abuse." He reprised themes from a speech he gave in July at Mount Rushmore.

"Teaching this horrible doctrine to our children is a form of child abuse, the truest sense," Trump said. "For many years now, the radicals have mistaken Americans' silence for weakness. They're wrong. There is no more powerful force than a parent's love for their children. And patriotic moms and dads are going to demand that their children are no longer fed hateful lies about this country."

The federal government does not have jurisdiction over school curriculum.

Trump decried "a radical movement" working against telling a more flattering version of U.S. history as Democrats' efforts to smear the country for political gain.

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The president's remarks reflect a growing outcry among Republicans against recent moves to tell a more evenhanded version of the nation's history, including its early foundational reliance on slave labor and the longtime disenfranchisement of and systemic racism against racial minorities.

In particular, Republicans have taken offense to The New York Times' Pulitzer Prize-winning "1619 Project," which detailed the country's history from when the first enslaved Africans were brought to America's shores.

"Critical race theory, the 1619 Project, and the crusade against American history is toxic propaganda, ideological poison that, if not removed, will dissolve the civic bonds that tie us together. It will destroy our country," the president said Thursday.

Trump said schools need to focus instead on "the legacy of 1776," when American Colonies declared independence from Great Britain. The newly formed committee, Trump said, will be called the "1776 Commission" — a further dig at The Times ' project.

"American parents are not going to accept indoctrination in our schools, cancel culture at work or the repression of traditional faith, culture and values in the public square," Trump said.

Trump blamed "the left," aided by the media and unnamed corporations, for "a vicious and violent assault on law enforcement" and said violent protests in recent months "are the direct result of decades of left-wing indoctrination in our schools."

In a shot at his Democratic challenger, former Vice President Joe Biden, Trump said he would add a statue of Caesar Rodney to the National Garden of American Heroes park — a proposal he first made in his Mount Rushmore speech.

A statue of Rodney, a slave owner who signed the Declaration of Independence, was removed from Wilmington, Del., this summer amid protests against police brutality and systemic racism. Trump criticized Biden for not speaking out about it.

Statues paying homage to the Confederacy and other slave owners and racists have been among the most divisive issues in Trump's ongoing culture war against Democrats.

Following his remarks, the phrases "Trump Youth" and "Hitler Youth" trended on Twitter, with some likening the president's new education project to the indoctrination of young people in Nazi Germany.

Roberta Rampton contributed to this report.

Nationalism, Patriotism, and Education for Patriotic Citizens in Mainland China

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• Shuqi Rao 5  

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Though the meanings and consequences of national identity in China have interested scholars from various fields, Chinese nationalism and Chinese identity remain poorly understood and inadequately studied. The terminological confusion around the idea of “nation” in the Chinese language makes the concept of “Chinese nation” an elusive landscape. Chinese nationalism and Chinese patriotism are used synonymously and interchangeably as multifaceted concepts, which are composed of the pride in Chinese culture and tradition, the sense of humiliation resulting from the struggle against outsiders, and the belief in the unity of China under the leadership of the CPC. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the three belief crises in Marxism, Socialism, and the CPC propelled China to promote patriotism to unify the nation in multiple ways, including the launching of its patriotic education campaign. Since then, patriotic education has been widely advanced in formal, informal, and hidden curricula in educational institutions. Students are expected to become patriotic Chinese, who can appreciate the Chinese nation’s 5000-year civilization, protect Chinese nation against foreign invasion, and voice their commitment to the CPC’s leadership. Faced with the challenges that globalization presents to its legitimacy as the default locus for defining individuals’ identities, China is also dedicated to multiple citizenship education to advance students’ identification of global communities, which accordingly leads to the new tensions between Chinese identity and global identity in educational settings.

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Rao, S. (2022). Nationalism, Patriotism, and Education for Patriotic Citizens in Mainland China. In: Lee, W.O., Brown, P., Goodwin, A.L., Green, A. (eds) International Handbook on Education Development in Asia-Pacific. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2327-1_140-1

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Gov. Ron DeSantis' push for 'civics' education: What does it look like?

Florida has seen a wave of requirements on the founding principles of America.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis recently said that if elected president in 2024 he would push for civics education about the founding principles of the United States to celebrate the country's upcoming 250th anniversary.

DeSantis' announcement, which he made during an interview with the Washington Examiner , comes amid the yearslong overhaul that DeSantis and state legislators have put Florida’s K-12 education system through, with civics taking center stage.

Florida's America-focused education requirements

DeSantis signed several policies into law in 2021 that set off a wave of new educational requirements about the country and its founding.

One law, House Bill 5 , requires implementation of “patriotic programs,” which includes teaching students about accepting “responsibility for preserving and defending the blessings of liberty inherited from prior generations and secured by the United States Constitution.”

It also requires “comparative discussion of political ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism, that conflict with the principles of freedom and democracy essential to the founding principles of the United States.”

The "Portraits in Patriotism Act" within the law would create a curated oral history resource that includes "first-person accounts of victims of other nations' governing philosophies who can compare those philosophies with those of the United States."

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Another law, House Bill 233 , requires that colleges and universities be reviewed for “intellectual freedom” and “viewpoint diversity.”

Meanwhile, the state Department of Education has revised, removed or rejected other lessons based on the requirements of the so-called “Stop WOKE Act” and other legislation.

The law restricts lessons and training related to race and diversity in schools, though the law has been blocked in court from impacting colleges and universities.

This law is supplemented by the Parental Rights in Education law, which restricts curriculum or programs related to gender identity or sexual orientation, as well as Senate Bill 266, which bars state or federal funding from being used for programs or campus activities related to diversity, equity and inclusion or social activism in higher education.

The effects of these laws restricting classroom content have already been seen. DeSantis' administration rejected an advanced placement African American history course , saying it is "inexplicably contrary to Florida law and significantly lacks educational value” in a statement to ABC News.

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Lessons on the civil rights movement and Black history also have been changed. For example, discussion of Black social justice movements in the 2000s, including the anti-police brutality Black Lives Matter movement, have been removed from classroom materials.

What is civics education?

Civics education in the U.S., according to the National Center for Education Statistics, refers to the knowledge and skills in "democratic citizenship, government, and American constitutional democracy." Surveys on American civics knowledge often focus on whether respondents can name presidential candidates, the branches of government, what the Constitution does, and more.

According to the 2022 Annenberg Public Policy Center survey, less than half of respondents -- 47% -- could name all three branches of government. One in four respondents said they couldn't name any of the First Amendment freedoms.

Over half of respondents -- 51% -- wrongfully believe that Facebook must let all Americans express themselves freely on its platform under the First Amendment.

MORE: Taking race out of education could fuel white nationalism, some educators say

However, some educators and lawmakers say civics in education should play a larger role than being able to recite information about the government.

They argue it should teach students about how to be an active and knowledgeable member of one's community, according to CivXNow, a bipartisan coalition of academics advocating for civics education expansion.

The group argues that civics education is about an understanding of the methods involved in civil discourse and civil engagement, such as protest, debate, voting, volunteering and more.

The National Education Association -- the nation's largest labor union which represents public school teachers, professors, institution staff members -- argues that civics education should incorporate discussions about current political or social issues, as well as promote programs that allow students to apply lessons from the classroom into community service.

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To please Putin, universities purge liberals and embrace patriots

Russian university leaders are imbuing the country’s education system with patriotism to favor Putin, quashing Western influences and dissent.

Two weeks before the start of his 25th year as Russia’s supreme political leader, Vladimir Putin made a sweeping proclamation: “Wars are won by teachers.”

The remark, which Putin repeated twice during his year-end news conference in December, shed light on a campaign he is waging that has received little attention outside wartime Russia: to imbue the country’s education system with patriotism, purge universities of Western influences, and quash any dissent among professors and students on campuses that are often hotbeds of political activism.

At St. Petersburg State University, this meant dismantling a prestigious humanities program called the Faculty of Liberal Arts and Sciences. For more than a decade, until May 2022, the faculty — or college — was led by Alexei Kudrin, a liberal economist and former finance minister who had been a close associate of Putin’s since the early 1990s, when they were deputy mayors together in St. Petersburg.

“We had many classes on U.S. history, American political life, democracy and political thought, as well as courses on Russian history and political science, history of U.S.-Russian relations, and even a course titled ‘The ABCs of War: Causes, Effects, Consequences,’” said a student at the faculty, also known as Smolny College. “They are all gone now,” the student said, speaking on the condition of anonymity for fear of retribution.

About this series

In a radical reshaping of Russia’s education system, curriculums are being redrawn to stress patriotism and textbooks rewritten to belittle Ukraine, glorify Russia and whitewash the totalitarian Soviet past. These changes — the most sweeping to schooling in Russia since the 1930s — are a core part of Putin’s effort to harness the war in Ukraine to remaster his country as a regressive, militarized state.

Since the February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, leaders of Russian universities, which are overwhelmingly funded by the state, have zealously adopted the Kremlin’s intolerance of any dissent or self-organization, according to an extensive examination by The Washington Post of events on campuses across Russia, including interviews with students and professors both still in the country and in exile.

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Professors who spoke out against the war, or allowed safe spaces for students to question it, have been fired. Students who picketed or posted on social media for peace were expelled.

Meanwhile, those who volunteer to fight in Ukraine have been celebrated in line with Putin’s promises that war heroes and their descendants will become the new Russian elite, with enhanced social benefits, including special preference for children seeking to enter top academic programs. Normally, such programs require near-perfect grades and high scores on competitive exams — uniform standards that applicants from all societal backgrounds have relied on for decades.

And the most fundamental precept of academic life — the freedom to think independently, to challenge conventional assumptions and pursue new, bold ideas — has been eroded by edicts that classrooms become echo chambers of the authoritarian nativism and historical distortions that Putin uses to justify his war and his will.

As a result, a system of higher learning that once was a beacon for students across the developing world is now shutting itself off from peer academies in the West, severing one of the few ties that had survived years of political turbulence. Freedom of thought is being trampled, if not eradicated. Eminent scholars have fled for positions abroad, while others said in interviews that they are planning to do so.

At the Russian State University for the Humanities in Moscow, officials last July created the Ivan Ilyin Higher Political School, which is now being led by Alexander Dugin, a fervent pro-Putin and Orthodox Christian ideologue who was tasked with “revising domestic scientific and educational paradigms and bringing them into line with our traditional Russian spiritual and moral values.”

“There has been a catastrophic degradation in Western humanitarian history,” Dugin said at a January seminar on transforming Russian humanities education. “This is evidenced by gender problems, postmodernism and ultraliberalism. We can study the West, but not as the ultimate universal truth. We need to focus on our own Russian development model.”

How we reported ‘Russia, Remastered’

Last month, students pushed an online petition to protest the naming of the school after Ilyin, a philosopher who defended Hitler and Mussolini in World War II and advocated for the return of czarist autocracy in Russia. In a statement to Tass, the state-controlled news service, the university denounced the petition as “part of the information war of the West and its supporters against Russia” and asserted, without providing evidence, that the group behind it had no connection to students at the school.

Programs specializing in the liberal arts and sciences are primary targets because they are viewed as breeding grounds for dissent. Major universities have cut the hours spent studying Western governments, human rights and international law, and even the English language.

“We were destroyed,” said Denis Skopin, a philosophy professor at Smolny College who was fired for criticizing the war. “Because the last thing people who run universities need are unreliable actors who do the ‘wrong’ thing, think in a different way, and teach their students to do the same.”

The demise of

Smolny College

The demise of Smolny College

St. Petersburg State University, commonly known as SPbU, has long been one of Russia’s premier academies of higher learning. It is the alma mater of both Putin, who graduated with a degree in law in 1975, and former president Dmitry Medvedev, who received his law degree 12 years later and now routinely threatens nuclear strikes on the West as deputy chairman of Russia’s national security council.

In many ways, the university has become the leader in reprisals against students and staff not loyal to the Kremlin, with one newspaper dubbing it the “repressions champion” of Russian education. Its halls have become a microcosm of modern Russia in which conservatives in power are pushing out the few remaining Western-oriented liberals.

Like other aspects of Putin’s remastering of Russia — such as patriotic mandates in the arts and the redrawing of the role of women to focus on childbearing — the shift in education started well before the invasion of Ukraine. In 2021, Russia ended a more than 20-year-old exchange program between Smolny College and Bard College in New York state by designating the private American liberal arts school an “undesirable” organization.

Jonathan Becker, Bard’s vice president for academic affairs and a professor of political studies, said the demise of Smolny was emblematic of a wider shift in Russia as well as a new intolerance of the West.

“A huge number of faculty have been let go, several departments closed, core liberal arts programs which focus on critical thinking have been eliminated,” Becker said. “All of that has happened, and it’s not just happened at Smolny — it has happened elsewhere. But we were doubly problematic because we both represent critical thinking and partnership with the West. And neither of those are acceptable in present-day Russia.”

In October 2022, in a scene captured on video and posted on social media, dozens of students gathered in a courtyard to bid a tearful goodbye to Skopin, Smolny’s cherished philosophy professor who was fired for an “immoral act” — protesting Putin’s announcement of a partial military mobilization to replenish his depleted forces in Ukraine.

The month before, according to court records and interviews, Skopin was arrested at an antiwar rally. He ended up sharing a jail cell with another professor, Artem Kalmykov, a young mathematician who had recently finished his PhD at the University of Zurich.

That fall, the university launched an overhaul that all but shut Smolny College and replaced the curriculum with a thoroughly revamped arts and humanities program.

The dismantling of Smolny marked the resolution of a years-long feud between Kudrin, the liberal-economist dean, and Nikolai Kropachev, the university rector, whom tutors and students described as a volatile character with a passion for building ties in the highest echelons of the government.

It’s hard to describe the insane level of anxiety the students felt at the start of the invasion, and I’d say 99 percent of them were against it.”

Denis Skopin

Former philosophy professor at Smolny College

It’s hard to describe the insane level of anxiety the students felt at the start of the invasion, and I’d say

99 percent of them were against it.”

It’s hard to describe the insane level

of anxiety the students felt at the start

of the invasion, and I’d say 99 percent

of them were against it.”

It’s hard to describe the insane level of anxiety

the students felt at the start of the invasion,

and I’d say 99 percent of them were against it.”

In February, Sergei Naryshkin, the head of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service, sent a heartfelt birthday message to Kropachev, thanking him for his “civic and political activity” and for “comprehensive assistance in replenishing personnel.”

One student described how Kropachev once interrupted a meeting with students and hinted that he needed to take a call from Putin, in what the student viewed as a boast of his direct access to the Russian leader. Both St. Petersburg State University and Moscow State University were assigned a special status in 2009, under which their rectors are appointed personally by the president.

Skopin, who earned his PhD in France, and his cellmate, Kalmykov, were perfect examples of the type of academic that Russia aspired to attract from the early 2000s to the mid-2010s — enticed after studying abroad to bring knowledge home amid booming investment in higher education. But by 2022, the system seemed to have no need for them.

Video of the gathering in the courtyard shows students erupting in sustained applause, and one student coming forward to hug Skopin.

“It’s hard to describe the insane level of anxiety the students felt at the start of the invasion, and I’d say 99 percent of them were against it,” Skopin said.

After his dismissal, some students tried to fight the administration’s plan to dismantle the Smolny program.

“At one point we found ourselves in a situation where out of 30 original faculty staff, we had just three tutors left,” said Polina Ulanovskaya, a sociology student and activist who led the student union. “And the quality of education definitely suffered, especially all of the politics-related classes.”

Ulanovskaya said that on the political science track, only two professors have stayed, and many classes were eliminated, including a human rights course. There are now just two courses offered in English, down from 21.

With every new professor, Ulanovskaya said, she felt a need to test the waters. Would the word “gender” trigger them? Could she say something opposition-leaning? What would be a red flag?

Ulanovskaya opted out of writing a thesis on her main research topic — Russian social movements, politicization of workers and historic-preservation activists — out of fear that it would be blacklisted. Instead, she wrote about Uruguay.

“The main problem at the faculty now is that there is no freedom and especially no sense of security,” she said. “I guess there is no such thing anywhere in Russia now ... you can’t trust anyone in any university.”

A few weeks after The Post interviewed Ulanovskaya last fall, she was expelled, formally for failing an exam, but she and Skopin said they believe it was retaliation for her activism.

Another student, Yelizaveta Antonova, was supposed to get her bachelor’s degree in journalism just days after legendary Novaya Gazeta newspaper reporter Yelena Milashina was brutally beaten in Chechnya, the small Muslim-majority republic in southern Russia under the dictatorial rule of Ramzan Kadyrov.

Antonova, who interned at Novaya Gazeta and looked up to Milashina, felt she could not accept her diploma without showing support for her colleague. She and a roommate printed a photo of Milashina, depicting the reporter’s shaved head and bandaged hands, to stage a demonstration at their graduation ceremony — much to the dismay of other classmates, who sought to block the protest.

“They essentially prevented us from going on stage,” Antonova said. “So we did it outside of the law school, and we felt it was extra symbolic because Putin and Medvedev studied in these halls.”

They held up the poster for about half an hour, until another student threatened them by saying riot police were on the way to arrest them. Antonova believes the protest cost her a spot in graduate school, where she hoped to continue her research comparing Russia’s media landscape before and after the invasion.

Eight months after the graduation ceremony, authorities launched a case against Antonova and her roommate for staging an unauthorized demonstration — an administrative offense that is punishable by a fine and puts people on law enforcement’s radar. Antonova left the country to continue her studies abroad.

Ideological divides

The history college at St. Petersburg State has long been a battleground for various ideologies, with cliques ranging from conservatives and Kremlin loyalists to unyielding opposition-minded liberals, according to interviews with students and professors.

The February 2022 invasion of Ukraine caused a deeper split. Some students and professors openly praised Putin’s “special military operation,” as the Kremlin called the war, while others joined rallies against it.

“The war gave them carte blanche,” said Michael Martin, 22, a former star at the college — to which he was automatically admitted after winning two nationwide academic competitions and where he earned straight A’s.

Martin was a leader of the student council, which on the day of the invasion issued an antiwar manifesto quickly drafted in a cafe.

Another history student, Fedor Solomonov, took the opposite view and praised the special military operation on social media. When Solomonov was called up as part of the mobilization, he declined to take a student deferral and went to fight. He died on the front on April 1, 2023.

Soon after Solomonov’s death, screenshots from internal chats where students often debated history and politics were leaked and went viral on pro-war Telegram channels. In some, Martin and other classmates expressed antiwar sentiments, while another showed a message — allegedly written by an assistant professor, Mikhail Belousov — vaguely describing events in Ukraine as “Rashism,” a wordplay combining “Russia” and “fascism.”

In an aggressive online campaign, pro-war activists demanded that Belousov, who denied writing the message, be fired and that the antiwar students, whom they labeled “a pro-Ukrainian organized crime group,” be expelled.

“A cell of anti-Russian students led by a Russophobe associate professor is operating at the history faculty,” read posts on Readovka, a radical outlet with 2.5 million followers. “They are rabid liberals who hate their country.” Belousov was dismissed and seven students, including Martin, were accused of desecrating Solomonov’s memory and expelled.

Belousov has gone underground and could not be reached for comment.

“They essentially tried to make me do the Sieg Heil,” Martin said, recalling the expulsion hearing, where he said the committee repeatedly asked leading questions trying to get him to say the war was justified. The committee also asked him repeatedly about Solomonov.

“I said he was for the war and I was against it — we could argue about that,” Martin said. “I didn’t find anything funny or interesting in this — I’m truly sorry for what happened to him, but at the same time, I don’t think that he did something good or great by going to war.”

Martin said that as the war raged on, the university began “glorifying death” and praising alumni who had joined the military.

This narrative also warped the curriculum.

A few weeks into the invasion, the school introduced a class on modern Ukrainian history, with a course description asserting that Ukrainian statehood is based “on a certain mythology.”

They essentially tried to make me do the Sieg Heil.”

Michael Martin

Former student at St. Petersburg State University

Belousov, the former assistant professor, criticized a course titled “The Great Patriotic War: No Statute of Limitations,” taught by an instructor with a degree in library science. The key message of the course is that the Soviet Union had no role in the start of World War II — a denial of Russia’s joint invasion of Poland with Nazi Germany in 1939.

According to a government document reviewed by The Post, Russia’s Higher Education Ministry plans to introduce this course at other universities to ensure the “civic-patriotic and spiritual-moral education of youth,” specifically future lawyers, teachers and historians, and to “correct false ideas.”

“These are obviously propaganda courses that are aimed at turning historians into court apologists,” Martin said.

Martin was expelled days before he was supposed to defend his thesis. He quickly left the country after warnings that he and his classmates could be charged with discrediting the army, a crime punishable by up to 15 years in prison. A criminal case was initiated against Belousov on charges of rehabilitating Nazism.

“This is all very reminiscent of the Stalinist 1930s purges,” Martin said. “The limit of tolerated protest now is to sit silently and say nothing. There is despair at the faculty and a feeling that they have crushed everything.”

New Russian elite

To lure more Russian men to fight in Ukraine, the government has promised their families various sweeteners, including cheap mortgages, large life insurance payments and education benefits for their children.

In 2022, Putin approved changes to education laws to grant children of soldiers who fought in Ukraine admissions preferences at Russia’s best universities — schools that normally accept only students with near-perfect exam scores and impressive high school records.

Now, at least 10 percent of all fully funded university spots must be allocated to students eligible for the military preference. Those whose fathers were killed or wounded do not need to pass entry exams.

The new law solidified a previous Putin decree that gave special preferences to soldiers and their children. In the 2023-24 academic year, about 8,500 students were enrolled based on these preferences, government officials said. According to an investigation by the Russian-language outlet Important Stories, nearly 900 students were admitted to 13 top universities through war quotas, with most failing to meet the normal exam score threshold.

In areas of Ukraine captured by Russian forces since February 2022, a different takeover of the education system is underway, with Moscow imposing its curriculum and standards just as it did after invading and illegally annexing Crimea in 2014.

For the 2023-24 academic year, according to the Russian prime minister’s office, more than 5 percent of fully state-financed tuition stipends — roughly 37,000 out of 626,000 — were allocated for students at universities in Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson or Zaporizhzhia, the four occupied or partly occupied areas of Ukraine that Putin has claimed to be annexed.

The relatively large allocation of tuition aid in occupied areas shows how financial assistance and education are central to Putin’s effort to seize lands in southeast Ukraine and absorb its population into Russia in violation of international law.

Deans of several leading Russian universities have made highly publicized trips to occupied Ukraine to urge students there to enroll into Russian schools, part of a multipronged effort to bring residents into Moscow’s orbit.

The Moscow-based Higher School of Economics, once considered Russia’s most liberal university, recently established patronage over universities in Luhansk, with Rector Nikita Anisimov often traveling there.

An inward turn

A few weeks after the invasion started, Moscow abandoned the Bologna Process , a pan-European effort to align higher education standards, as Russia’s deans and rectors strove to show they weren’t susceptible to foreign influence.

Higher Education Minister Valery Falkov said Russian universities would undergo significant changes in the next half-decade, overseen by the national program “Priority 2030,” which envisions curriculums that ensure “formation of a patriotic worldview in young people.”

Soon after Russia quit the Bologna Process, Smolny College was targeted for overhaul.

“The decision was an expected but distinct shift from the more liberal model of Russian higher education policy that emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union,” said Victoria Pardini, a program associate at the Kennan Institute, a Washington think tank focused on Russia.

Another prestigious school, the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, canceled its liberal arts program in 2022 after authorities accused it of “destroying national values.”

In mid-October 2023, the Higher Education Ministry ordered universities to avoid open discussion of “negative political, economic and social trends,” according to a publicly disclosed report by British intelligence. “In the longer term, this will likely further the trend of Russian policymaking taking place in an echo-chamber,” the report concluded.

Russia’s position among

countries by number of

scholarly papers published

Source: Institute for Statistical Studies and Economics

of Knowledge

Russia’s position among countries by

number of scholarly papers published

Source: Institute for Statistical Studies and Economics of Knowledge

Russia’s position among countries by number of

Many international exchange programs have been canceled — some because Russian students now have difficulty obtaining visas. Still, a heavy brain drain is underway. “All those who could — they left the country,” Skopin said of his students. “Those who can’t are thrashing around as if they are in a cage.”

Martin is among those who got out — he was recently accepted into a prestigious master’s program abroad and plans to continue his research into 19th-century Australian federalism.

Skopin now teaches in Berlin and is a member of Smolny Beyond Borders, an education program that seeks funding to cover the tuition of students who leave Russia because of their political views. As of late 2023, an estimated 700 students were enrolled.

President Joe Biden delivers the commencement address at the United States Military Academy.

'The Murph Challenge' honors fallen U.S. Navy SEAL each Memorial Day

by JESSICA A. BOTELHO | The National Desk

WASHINGTON (TND) — An annual fundraiser not only challenges the minds and bodies of participants, it honors a U.S. Navy SEAL who was killed in the line of duty and raises funds for a nonprofit organization that provides scholarships to children in need.

" The Murph Challenge " is an intense CrossFit workout held every year on Memorial Day at various locations across the globe. It starts with a one-mile run, followed by 100 pullups, 200 pushups, 300 squats, and topped off with another one-mile run -- all while wearing a 20-pound vest or body armor.

It was inspired by Lt. Michael P. Murphy , who invented and regularly completed the exercise regime.

The yearly event benefits the Lt. Michael P. Murphy Memorial Scholarship Foundation , which was created by Murphy's parents and brother in 2007 after he died serving the nation.

Participants are pushed to their limits and are encouraged to keep pushing through the pain and exhaustion, just as Lieutenant Murphy did during his final moments," The Murph Challenge website notes. "The event is held annually on Memorial Day, and people from all over the world come together to honor Lieutenant Murphy and all those who have given their lives in service to our country. The Murph Challenge is a powerful reminder of the sacrifices made by our military and a testament to the strength and resilience of the human spirit."

Murphy, according to the U.S. Navy, was killed in 2005 during Operation Red Wings, a battle with Taliban fighters in Asadabad, Afghanistan. He and three fellow SEALs were scouting Ahmad Shah, a terrorist.

The SEAL mission was compromised when the team was spotted by local nationals, who presumably reported its presence and location to the Taliban," the U.S. Navy noted.

Murphy and his team were soon showered with bullets, with the brave SEAL moving away from protective terrain to obtain a signal for his satellite phone so he could make a call and get help.

As gunfire exploded around him, he made contact with the SOF Quick Reaction Force at Bagram Air Base.

He calmly provided his unit’s location and the size of the enemy force while requesting immediate support for his team," the U.S. Navy noted. "At one point, he was shot in the back, causing him to drop the transmitter. Murphy picked it back up, completed the call and continued firing at the enemy who was closing in. Severely wounded, Murphy returned to his cover position with his men and continued the battle."

Murphy, who was just 29 years old, later died from his wounds, while Gunner’s Mate 2nd Class (SEAL) Danny Dietz and Sonar Technician 2nd Class (SEAL) Matthew Axelson were also killed.

A SEALs helicopter that arrived to rescue them was gunned down. All 16 men aboard died.

Hospital Corpsman 2nd Class (SEAL) Marcus Luttrell, who was seriously hurt, was the only one of the four to make it out alive.

By the end of the battle, the U.S. Navy said an estimated 35 Taliban were also dead.

A few years after his passing, Murphy was posthumously awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor.

The goal of "The Murph Challenge" is to pay tribute to his legacy, as well as raise funds and awareness for the Memorial Scholarship Foundation. According to its website, Murphy loved to read and believed education was critically important.

In fact, his favorite saying was "Education will set you free,'" the website noted. "That is why the Murphy Family used their own funds to start the Foundation."

The event is annually presented by Forged , a company started by military members. The business sells clothing and other apparel, with a portion of each sale donated to military-affiliated nonprofits that help wounded veterans and their families.

In a letter to 2024 participants, Daniel Murphy, who is Murphy's brother, said Forged has raised more than $2 million for the Foundation and the Lt. Michael P. Murphy Navy SEAL Museum/Sea Cadet Training Facility.

"As a result of Forged’s success with the 'Murph Challenge' and the monies raised by all of you who have participated in this CrossFit program with Forged, the LT Murphy Scholarship Foundation now awards more than $200,000 every year with 40 scholarships to children’s educational needs," he wrote.

Learn more about "The Murphy Challenge" at themurphchallenge.com .

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California Catholic School Bars 13-Year-Old Student from Delivering ‘Patriotic Speech’

A California Catholic middle school student was “completely humiliated” by his principal forbidding him from delivering his speech on patriotism before calling the cops on his father for confronting her.

Jimmy Heyward, a 13-year-old student at Saint Bonaventure Catholic School in Orange County, spent hours on his campaign speech as he ran for Commissioner of School Spirit and Patriotism, his parents said. 

His mom, Hattie Ruggles, claimed in a petition that principal Mary Flock told Jimmy to remove “everything about patriotism” from his speech, “even though ‘Patriotism’ was a part of the position’s title that he was running for.”

The speech features Jimmy calling for students to respect the National Anthem, Pledge of Allegiance, veterans, and other typical aspects of American patriotism.

Jimmy even stated in his speech that he wanted to “coordinate with Ms. Flock” to organize events for “Holocaust survivors, 9/11 survivors, Japanese-Americans from internment camps, and more.”

“My love for America is my motivation for running,” the teen said. “It is an honor to live in this country.”

A video of Jimmy delivering his full speech at home also features the outspoken student wearing a red hat with the words “Make SBS [Saint Bonaventure School] Great Again.”

View this post on Instagram A post shared by Hattie Ruggles (@hattieruggles)

“Jimmy stood up to her and said he wasn’t going to take the parts about patriotism out of his speech,” Ruggles wrote on Change.org, calling for Flock’s termination. “She then told him he would not be speaking. Jimmy sat on stage with all the other candidates while they said their speeches.”

“Mary Flock directed the kids hosting the rally to skip Jimmy entirely. He was on the stage for an hour in front of his peers/teachers/parents being completely humiliated by Mary Flock,” the mother said.

After seeing his young son have to sit out, Jimmy’s dad, Ed Heyward, stood up and confronted Flock and vice principal Caleb McFerran.

The administrators did not let Jimmy speak because “his views didn’t align with theirs,” the disgruntled parents said.

It wasn’t long before Flock called the Huntington Beach Police Department to the school to remove the upset father.

However, responding officers spoke with Heyward and said he was “free to stay and watch with the rest of the families in attendance,” Ruggles stated in the petition. 

“When the officers were leaving they asked Ed to let Jimmy know that they said ‘Thank you’ for the things he wrote in his speech,” she added.

Later that day, Flock sent an email home to SBS parents “completely lying about what truly happened earlier in the day,” Ruggles continued. 

Screenshots of the alleged email obtained by Fox News show Flock saying Jimmy was not allowed to speak because he did not edit it to gain approval, and that the police were called on his father to “ensure the safety and well-being of those present.”

“This incident reminds us of the importance of maintaining a respectful and inclusive environment within our school community,” the email stated.

Ruggles claims that Flock lied in her message.

“This kind of behavior is unacceptable and does not align with the values we expect from our school’s leadership. We demand that Mary Flock be removed as principal immediately,” she wrote on Change.org.

SBS doubled down on their decision to have Jimmy sit out from the candidate speeches in a statement to Fox News.

St. Bonaventure Catholic School is dedicated to fostering a Catholic, Christ-centered learning environment that builds a community valuing respect and integrity. We encourage freedom of speech, recognizing that allowing students to express their thoughts and ideas is crucial for their growth and development. In line with this, our longstanding policy requires all student speeches delivered on campus to undergo an administrative approval process. This practice ensures that the content is appropriate, aligns with school values and our Christian Code of Conduct, and maintains a respectful tone. The process is applied uniformly to all students without exception. If a speech does not receive final approval, we adhere to our established guidelines, which means the student will not be permitted to deliver the speech. In this recent case, school administrators felt encouraged by the words of patriotism but were discouraged by what is perceived as some negative comments and sought adjustments to make it more positive. We understand the disappointment the recent situation may have caused. However, to preserve the integrity of St. Bonaventure School’s practices and its Christ-centered learning environment, we stand by our decision and our policies. We remain committed to maintaining a consistent and fair approach for all students.

A follow-up Instagram post from Ruggles claims that multiple parents approached the family after the assembly to offer their support, and stated they were “blown away” by the administration’s actions. 

“This isn’t the first this lady has done something like this,” the mom wrote, without elaborating. 

Since it was posted Sunday, the Change.org petition to get Flock fired has garnered over 4,500 signatures.

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40 Facts About Elektrostal

Written by Lanette Mayes

Modified & Updated: 21 May 2024

Reviewed by Jessica Corbett

Elektrostal is a vibrant city located in the Moscow Oblast region of Russia. With a rich history, stunning architecture, and a thriving community, Elektrostal is a city that has much to offer. Whether you are a history buff, nature enthusiast, or simply curious about different cultures, Elektrostal is sure to captivate you.

This article will provide you with 40 fascinating facts about Elektrostal, giving you a better understanding of why this city is worth exploring. From its origins as an industrial hub to its modern-day charm, we will delve into the various aspects that make Elektrostal a unique and must-visit destination.

So, join us as we uncover the hidden treasures of Elektrostal and discover what makes this city a true gem in the heart of Russia.

Key Takeaways:

• Elektrostal, known as the “Motor City of Russia,” is a vibrant and growing city with a rich industrial history, offering diverse cultural experiences and a strong commitment to environmental sustainability.
• With its convenient location near Moscow, Elektrostal provides a picturesque landscape, vibrant nightlife, and a range of recreational activities, making it an ideal destination for residents and visitors alike.

Known as the “Motor City of Russia.”

Elektrostal, a city located in the Moscow Oblast region of Russia, earned the nickname “Motor City” due to its significant involvement in the automotive industry.

Home to the Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant.

Elektrostal is renowned for its metallurgical plant, which has been producing high-quality steel and alloys since its establishment in 1916.

Boasts a rich industrial heritage.

Elektrostal has a long history of industrial development, contributing to the growth and progress of the region.

Founded in 1916.

The city of Elektrostal was founded in 1916 as a result of the construction of the Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant.

Located approximately 50 kilometers east of Moscow.

Elektrostal is situated in close proximity to the Russian capital, making it easily accessible for both residents and visitors.

Known for its vibrant cultural scene.

Elektrostal is home to several cultural institutions, including museums, theaters, and art galleries that showcase the city’s rich artistic heritage.

A popular destination for nature lovers.

Surrounded by picturesque landscapes and forests, Elektrostal offers ample opportunities for outdoor activities such as hiking, camping, and birdwatching.

Hosts the annual Elektrostal City Day celebrations.

Every year, Elektrostal organizes festive events and activities to celebrate its founding, bringing together residents and visitors in a spirit of unity and joy.

Has a population of approximately 160,000 people.

Elektrostal is home to a diverse and vibrant community of around 160,000 residents, contributing to its dynamic atmosphere.

Boasts excellent education facilities.

The city is known for its well-established educational institutions, providing quality education to students of all ages.

A center for scientific research and innovation.

Elektrostal serves as an important hub for scientific research, particularly in the fields of metallurgy , materials science, and engineering.

Surrounded by picturesque lakes.

The city is blessed with numerous beautiful lakes , offering scenic views and recreational opportunities for locals and visitors alike.

Well-connected transportation system.

Elektrostal benefits from an efficient transportation network, including highways, railways, and public transportation options, ensuring convenient travel within and beyond the city.

Famous for its traditional Russian cuisine.

Food enthusiasts can indulge in authentic Russian dishes at numerous restaurants and cafes scattered throughout Elektrostal.

Home to notable architectural landmarks.

Elektrostal boasts impressive architecture, including the Church of the Transfiguration of the Lord and the Elektrostal Palace of Culture.

Offers a wide range of recreational facilities.

Residents and visitors can enjoy various recreational activities, such as sports complexes, swimming pools, and fitness centers, enhancing the overall quality of life.

Provides a high standard of healthcare.

Elektrostal is equipped with modern medical facilities, ensuring residents have access to quality healthcare services.

Home to the Elektrostal History Museum.

The Elektrostal History Museum showcases the city’s fascinating past through exhibitions and displays.

A hub for sports enthusiasts.

Elektrostal is passionate about sports, with numerous stadiums, arenas, and sports clubs offering opportunities for athletes and spectators.

Celebrates diverse cultural festivals.

Throughout the year, Elektrostal hosts a variety of cultural festivals, celebrating different ethnicities, traditions, and art forms.

Electric power played a significant role in its early development.

Elektrostal owes its name and initial growth to the establishment of electric power stations and the utilization of electricity in the industrial sector.

Boasts a thriving economy.

The city’s strong industrial base, coupled with its strategic location near Moscow, has contributed to Elektrostal’s prosperous economic status.

Houses the Elektrostal Drama Theater.

The Elektrostal Drama Theater is a cultural centerpiece, attracting theater enthusiasts from far and wide.

Popular destination for winter sports.

Elektrostal’s proximity to ski resorts and winter sport facilities makes it a favorite destination for skiing, snowboarding, and other winter activities.

Promotes environmental sustainability.

Elektrostal prioritizes environmental protection and sustainability, implementing initiatives to reduce pollution and preserve natural resources.

Home to renowned educational institutions.

Elektrostal is known for its prestigious schools and universities, offering a wide range of academic programs to students.

Committed to cultural preservation.

The city values its cultural heritage and takes active steps to preserve and promote traditional customs, crafts, and arts.

Hosts an annual International Film Festival.

The Elektrostal International Film Festival attracts filmmakers and cinema enthusiasts from around the world, showcasing a diverse range of films.

Encourages entrepreneurship and innovation.

Elektrostal supports aspiring entrepreneurs and fosters a culture of innovation, providing opportunities for startups and business development.

Offers a range of housing options.

Elektrostal provides diverse housing options, including apartments, houses, and residential complexes, catering to different lifestyles and budgets.

Home to notable sports teams.

Elektrostal is proud of its sports legacy, with several successful sports teams competing at regional and national levels.

Boasts a vibrant nightlife scene.

Residents and visitors can enjoy a lively nightlife in Elektrostal, with numerous bars, clubs, and entertainment venues.

Promotes cultural exchange and international relations.

Elektrostal actively engages in international partnerships, cultural exchanges, and diplomatic collaborations to foster global connections.

Surrounded by beautiful nature reserves.

Nearby nature reserves, such as the Barybino Forest and Luchinskoye Lake, offer opportunities for nature enthusiasts to explore and appreciate the region’s biodiversity.

Commemorates historical events.

The city pays tribute to significant historical events through memorials, monuments, and exhibitions, ensuring the preservation of collective memory.

Promotes sports and youth development.

Elektrostal invests in sports infrastructure and programs to encourage youth participation, health, and physical fitness.

Hosts annual cultural and artistic festivals.

Throughout the year, Elektrostal celebrates its cultural diversity through festivals dedicated to music, dance, art, and theater.

Provides a picturesque landscape for photography enthusiasts.

The city’s scenic beauty, architectural landmarks, and natural surroundings make it a paradise for photographers.

Connects to Moscow via a direct train line.

The convenient train connection between Elektrostal and Moscow makes commuting between the two cities effortless.

A city with a bright future.

Elektrostal continues to grow and develop, aiming to become a model city in terms of infrastructure, sustainability, and quality of life for its residents.

In conclusion, Elektrostal is a fascinating city with a rich history and a vibrant present. From its origins as a center of steel production to its modern-day status as a hub for education and industry, Elektrostal has plenty to offer both residents and visitors. With its beautiful parks, cultural attractions, and proximity to Moscow, there is no shortage of things to see and do in this dynamic city. Whether you’re interested in exploring its historical landmarks, enjoying outdoor activities, or immersing yourself in the local culture, Elektrostal has something for everyone. So, next time you find yourself in the Moscow region, don’t miss the opportunity to discover the hidden gems of Elektrostal.

Q: What is the population of Elektrostal?

A: As of the latest data, the population of Elektrostal is approximately XXXX.

Q: How far is Elektrostal from Moscow?

A: Elektrostal is located approximately XX kilometers away from Moscow.

Q: Are there any famous landmarks in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal is home to several notable landmarks, including XXXX and XXXX.

Q: What industries are prominent in Elektrostal?

A: Elektrostal is known for its steel production industry and is also a center for engineering and manufacturing.

Q: Are there any universities or educational institutions in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal is home to XXXX University and several other educational institutions.

Q: What are some popular outdoor activities in Elektrostal?

A: Elektrostal offers several outdoor activities, such as hiking, cycling, and picnicking in its beautiful parks.

Q: Is Elektrostal well-connected in terms of transportation?

A: Yes, Elektrostal has good transportation links, including trains and buses, making it easily accessible from nearby cities.

Q: Are there any annual events or festivals in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal hosts various events and festivals throughout the year, including XXXX and XXXX.

Elektrostal's fascinating history, vibrant culture, and promising future make it a city worth exploring. For more captivating facts about cities around the world, discover the unique characteristics that define each city . Uncover the hidden gems of Moscow Oblast through our in-depth look at Kolomna. Lastly, dive into the rich industrial heritage of Teesside, a thriving industrial center with its own story to tell.

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