research papers on flashbulb memory

What Are Flashbulb Memories?

What were you doing when you learned that Abraham Lincoln was assassinated? The event was unlikely to have been a significant one for you. It obviously was a significant event for people at the time, though, as evidenced by an 1899 study by psychologist F.W. Colegrove that recorded their experiences. Colegrove found that despite 33 years of distance from the event, people reported their whereabouts including small details of the occasion with great confidence.

Much later, in 1977, Roger Brown and James Kulik asked people to report what they were doing when they heard that John Kennedy was shot in Dallas. They concluded that there is “hardly a man now alive” who cannot recall the circumstances in which they learned that Kennedy was assassinated. Such detailed reports were termed “flashbulb memories” by the investigators, who commented that it was as if a flashbulb had gone off capturing a fine-grained picture of the details surrounding the event.

They proposed that these highly emotional, vivid memories might be caused by a different mechanism from the processes underlying the formation of other autobiographical memories. They labeled the mechanism print now , underscoring the arguably indelible, vivid, and elaborated nature of flashbulb memories. They also suggested that such “flashbulbs” are more likely for events that are personally more consequential. In support of this claim, they found that only 13 of 40 Caucasian participants had a flashbulb memory for hearing that Martin Luther King Jr. had been assassinated, compared to 30 of 40 African American participants.

Psychologist Ulric Neisser cast doubt on the validity of such supposed flashbulb memories by describing one of his own. “For many years I have remembered how I heard the news of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, which occurred the day before my 13th birthday,” he wrote. “I recall sitting in the living room of our house — we only lived in that house for one year, but I remember it well — listening to a baseball game on the radio. The game was interrupted by an announcement of the attack, and I rushed upstairs to tell my mother.” He goes on to say that the memory had gone on so long and was so vivid that he never questioned it until he realized its absurdity. In particular, it dawned on him that of course nobody broadcasts baseball games in December, which was the month in which the attack on Pearl Harbor occurred.

More formal evidence suggesting that flashbulb memories may often be invalid was provided by the results of a study by Ulric Neisser and Nicole Harsch on recollections of the space shuttle Challenger explosion in 1986. The morning after the event, first-year college students wrote a description of how they heard the news, and then answered questions based on the categories of experience used by Brown and Kulik, such as: What time was it? How did you hear about it? Where were you? What were you doing? Who told you? How did you feel about it? Two and a half years later, the same students, now seniors, wrote a further description of how they had heard the news and answered the same questions about their experience.

The results revealed large differences between the original and later reports for many of the participants. A group of judges measured the consistency of the reports by estimating the extent of such changes; they found that the consistency was generally low, with a mean score of 2.95 out of a possible 7. Eleven of the 40 participants had a score of 0, having changed their answers to all the questions! Despite the changes, the participants were highly confident in the accuracy of their reports.

The consistency of reported flashbulb memories declined over a 10-year period, but the participants’ confidence in their accuracy remained high.

Flashbulb memories are defined as those related to learning about some shocking event, and a number of studies have compared these memories with “event memories” for the objective details of the occurrence (e.g., that there were four airplanes involved in the 9/11 attack). One such investigation examined flashbulb memories for the 9/11 attack over a 10-year period. Notably, that investigation included 15 coauthors, allowing for the comparison of reports from different geographic regions. As it happened, large differences across geographic areas were not found except that flashbulb memories were more likely in New York City than elsewhere.

The results showed that both flashbulb and event memories declined rapidly across the first year, but did not do so appreciably over the following years. As in other studies, the consistency of reported flashbulb memories declined over a 10-year period, but the participants’ confidence in their accuracy remained high, whereas the confidence for details of event memories declined. The inconsistencies that occurred during reports of flashbulb memories were likely to be repeated in later reports rather than corrected. Inaccurate event memories were quite likely to be corrected, however, possibly as a result of people viewing media reports.

Studies have also attempted to pin down the crucial components of flashbulb memories, with likely candidates including surprise, the distinctiveness of the event, the consequences for the person, and their resulting emotional state. In the words of investigators, “Consistent findings have proven elusive,” but it seems to us that the major recurring characteristics of such memories are surprise and shock, and often an incident concerning some well-known public figure.

Commenting on the nature of flashbulb memories, Neisser wrote that two narratives that are normally kept separate — the course of both history and our lives — are momentarily put into alignment. One widely agreed-on difference between everyday autobiographical memories and flashbulb memories is that confidence in flashbulb memories remains high despite the decline in their consistency, whereas event memories decline in both consistency and confidence over time. The vividness, elaborateness, and ease of retrieval of flashbulb memories likely account in part for the high confidence assigned to them. Again, memory is not indelible although it is sometimes thought to be so.

Fergus Craik taught in the Department of Psychology at the University of Toronto and then worked at the Rotman Research Institute in Toronto until his retirement. He is a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

Larry Jacoby was a faculty member in the Department of Psychology at Washington University in St. Louis. He is a Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

This article is excerpted from their book “ Memory ,” in the MIT Press Essential Knowledge series.

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Flashbulb Memory: What to Know About Vivid Recall

Wendy Wisner is a health and parenting writer, lactation consultant (IBCLC), and mom to two awesome sons.

Shaheen Lakhan, MD, PhD, is an award-winning physician-scientist and clinical development specialist.

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Where Are Flashbulb Memories Stored in the Brain?

Why are flashbulb memories so vivid, how do flashbulb memories resurface.

• False Memories

A flashbulb memory is a vivid memory about an emotionally significant event, usually a historic or other notable event. People often experience these memories in photographic detail , and can recall aspects like what they were doing when the event occurred or how they learned about what happened. Flashbulb memories tend to endure over long periods of time, although it’s not clear if people continue to remember the events with accuracy.

Examples of Flashbulb Memory

Flashbulb memories usually involve a public event of importance and surprise. The memories formed aren’t just of the event itself, but circumstances surrounding the event: how you found out about it, who told you, where you were when you found out, and your emotional reaction.

Examples of flashbulb memories that many people share include:

• September 11th
• JFK assassination
• The Challenger explosion
• The fall of the Berlin wall
• Natural disasters like earthquakes
• The death of Princess Diana
• Other significant political assassinations, wars, or noteworthy public occasions

Although flashbulb memories are usually associated with more public events, they also happen after personal events, especially ones that were surprising or pivotal in some way. For example, the memory of the sudden death of a loved one may turn into a flashbulb memory for some people.

What Causes a Flashbulb Memory?

The term “flashbulb memory” was coined by Roger Brown and James Kulik in a 1977 paper published in Cognition . They were studying how people remembered the JFK assassination and noted that these memories were formed with certain qualities. People remembered the JFK assassination with uncanny clarity, including details about where they were at the exact moment they heard, and what their emotional reaction was.

According to Brown and Kulik, there are three main qualities that cause a memory to turn into a flashbulb memory:

• The event must elicit an elevated level of surprise
• The event itself must have a significant level of importance
• The event must cause a heightened emotional response

If these three aspects are not present, or don’t reach significant levels, it’s doubtful that a flashbulb memory will be formed, Brown and Kulik said.

Although flashbulb memories are still being studied, and much of Brown and Kulik’s characterization of them remains accurate, researchers have called into question the clarity of people’s flashbulb memories, noting that it’s common for people to form inaccurate memories of events that caused flashbulb memories, or that the accuracy declines as time goes on.

Researchers are still learning about the biological mechanisms behind flashbulb memories. A 2020 study published in Memory looked at adults undergoing MRI while recalling their flashbulb memories. They found that different parts of the brain seemed to be involved in flashbulb memories, as opposed to more ordinary autobiographical memories.

According to the study, flashbulb memories were more associated with the left side of the brain. Additionally, the amygdala seems to play a significant role in flashbulb memories. A 2018 study also found that the amygdala appears to be a key player when it comes to flashbulb memories.

These findings make sense, as the amygdala is where people store emotional memories.

There are several reasons why flashbulb memories are experienced so vividly. One reason is that flashbulb memories are often events shared by others, and repeated often in news coverage and in history books. This makes our memories of these events feel more vivid and clear to us.

Additionally, these events are often extremely emotionally potent, and form a strong impression on us. In fact, some of the events are associated with personal or public traumas , which may make them easier to attach to our memories. Research has found that our amygdala is involved in flashbulb memories, which is involved in the creation of emotional memories.

Although flashbulb memories involve heightened emotions and often include traumatic experiences, they are not the same as PTSD and don’t involve repressed memories that resurface. The term “flashbulb memories” may be confused with “flashbacks,” which are common in PTSD. Flashbacks refer to traumatic memories that tend to resurface without warning and cause significant distress. However, flashbulb memories are often easily retrieved, and don’t usually cause intense distress.

If you believe you are experiencing a flashback related to PTSD, please reach out to a therapist or mental health counselor. PTSD can cause serious mental health challenges, and impact your ability to function. But there’s hope: treatment is available and effective, including therapy for PTSD and medication to treat the condition.

Can Flashbulb Memories Be False?

One characteristic of people who have flashbulb memories is that they are usually quite confident in the accuracy of their memories, especially if the memories had emotional significance or a high level of emotional attachment. But research has found that flashbulb memories may not be as accurate as the people who experience them believe them to be.

For example, a group of researchers looked at flashbulb memories after the September 11th attacks. The researchers were able to look at how people recalled these events over a ten year period to see how accurate the flashbulb memories were.

What they found was surprising. People’s flashbulb memories were clearest right after the event, but lessened in accuracy within the first year. After that, their forgetfulness of the event stayed pretty much the same, and didn’t change much over the 10 year period. However, their confidence about the accuracy of their memory did not change, and remained high throughout.

Research has also found that although most people remember flashbulb memories with higher accuracy than more common memories, the rate at which they forget is similar in both flashbulb memories and ordinary memories. This decline usually happens in the first year after the event that elicited the flashbulb memory, and whatever inaccuracy the memory acquired remains present when the flashbulb memory is recalled in the future.

Flashbulb memories also often involve something called “time slice confusions.” This involves hearing reported news about the public event, and then incorporating that news into one’s memory of the event.

A Word From Verywell

The characteristics of flashbulb memories and how they work are a fascinating topic. Almost all of us have experienced flashbulb memories as the result of notable and emotionally potent events. It’s important to point out that although flashbulb events aren’t commonly associated with symptoms like PTSD, people who experience a traumatic event may also experience PTSD and other mental health disturbances. Please reach out to a mental health counselor if you are experiencing distress after a difficult event. You aren’t alone and help is out there.

APA Dictionary of Psychology. Flashbulb Memory .

El Haj M, Gandolphe M, Wawrziczny E, et al. Flashbulb memories of Paris attacks: Recall of these events and subjective reliving of these memories in a case with Alzheimer disease . Medicine. 2016;95(46):e5448. doi:10.1097/MD.0000000000005448

Hirst W, Phelps EA. Flashbulb Memories . Current Directions in Psychological Science. 2016;25(1):36-41. doi:10.1177/0963721415622487

Brown R, Kulik J. Flashbulb memories . Cognition. 1977;5(1):73–99. doi:10.1016/0010-0277(77)90018-X

Metternich B, Spanhel K, Schoendube E, et al. Flashbulb memory recall in healthy adults – a functional magnetic resonance imaging study . Memory. 2020;28(4):461-472. doi:10.1080/09658211.2020.1733022

Spanhel K, Wagner K, Geiger MJ, et al. Flashbulb memories: Is the amygdala central? An investigation of patients with amygdalar damage . Neuropsychologia. 2018;111:163-171. doi:10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2018.01.004

Hermans EJ, Battaglia FP, Atsak P, et al. How the amygdala affects emotional memory by altering brain network properties . Neurobiology of Learning and Memory. 2014;112:2-16. doi:10.1016/j.nlm.2014.02.005

Law BM. Seared in our memories . Monitor on Psychology. 2011;42(8):60.

American Psychiatric Association. What is Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)?

Day MV, Ross M. Predicting confidence in flashbulb memories . Memory. 2014;22(3):232-242. doi:10.1080/09658211.2013.778290

Hirst W, Phelps EA, Meksin R, et al. A ten-year follow-up of a study of memory for the attack of September 11, 2001: Flashbulb memories and memories for flashbulb events . Journal of Experimental Psychology. 2015;144(3):604–623. doi:10.1037/xge0000055

By Wendy Wisner Wendy Wisner is a health and parenting writer, lactation consultant (IBCLC), and mom to two awesome sons.

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RESEARCH PAPER - Flashbulb Memory

A research Paper about Flashbulb Memory for my Psychology class.

Related Papers

Psychological Science

Jennifer Talarico

On September 12, 2001, 54 Duke students recorded their memory of first hearing about the terrorist attacks of September 11 and of a recent everyday event. They were tested again either 1, 6, or 32 weeks later. Consistency for the flashbulb and everyday memories did not differ, in both cases declining over time. However, ratings of vividness, recollection, and belief in the accuracy of memory declined only for everyday memories. Initial visceral emotion ratings correlated with later belief in accuracy, but not consistency, for flashbulb memories. Initial visceral emotion ratings predicted later posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms. Flashbulb memories are not special in their accuracy, as previously claimed, but only in their perceived accuracy.

Applied Cognitive Psychology

Consistency of flashbulb memories (FBMs) of the 11th September terrorist attacks and of everyday memories (EDMs) of the preceding weekend do not differ, in both cases declining over the following year for a group of Duke University undergraduates. However, ratings of recollection, vividness and other phenomenological properties were consistently higher for FBMs than for EDMs across time. Belief in the accuracy of memory was initially high for both memories, but declined over time only for EDMs. These findings confirm that FBMs are not extraordinarily accurate, but they may systematically differ from EDMs in other meaningful ways.

Journal of experimental psychology. General

Keith Lyle , Cindy Lustig , Mara Mather

Within a week of the attack of September 11, 2001, a consortium of researchers from across the United States distributed a survey asking about the circumstances in which respondents learned of the attack (their flashbulb memories) and the facts about the attack itself (their event memories). Follow-up surveys were distributed 11, 25, and 119 months after the attack. The study, therefore, examines retention of flashbulb memories and event memories at a substantially longer retention interval than any previous study using a test-retest methodology, allowing for the study of such memories over the long term. There was rapid forgetting of both flashbulb and event memories within the first year, but the forgetting curves leveled off after that, not significantly changing even after a 10-year delay. Despite the initial rapid forgetting, confidence remained high throughout the 10-year period. Five putative factors affecting flashbulb memory consistency and event memory accuracy were examin...

Adriel Boals

Journal of Experimental Psychology-general

cindy lustig

Berntsen’s social identity model of flashbulb memory was applied to recall of the 2008 Lafayette–Lehigh (‘The Rivalry’) football game, which Lehigh won. Consistent with Berntsen’s theory, Lehigh fans found the game to be more emotional and therefore rehearsed the event more frequently. They also remembered the factual details of the game more accurately than did Lafayette fans, particularly those facts that enhanced positive social group identity. Although students from both schools recalled the event equally vividly initially, the Lehigh fans maintained that vividness over time, whereas Lafayette fans’ memories decreased in vividness. Surprisingly, both teams’ fans were equally consistent in describing their personal circumstances during the event, were equally confident in the accuracy of those recollections, and felt an equally high degree of reliving the event while remembering it. The significant influence of emotional affect on vividness, reliving, and confidence was partially mediated by rehearsal, consistent with Berntsen’s model.

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Emotion review : journal of the International Society for Research on Emotion

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Though emotion conveys memory benefits, it does not enhance memory equally for all aspects of an experience nor for all types of emotional events. In this review, I outline the behavioral evidence for arousal's focal enhancements of memory and describe the neural processes that may support those focal enhancements. I also present behavioral evidence to suggest that these focal enhancements occur more often for negative experiences than for positive ones. This effect of valence appears to arise because of valence-dependent effects on the neural processes recruited during episodic encoding and retrieval, with negative affect associated with increased engagement of sensory processes and positive affect leading to enhanced recruitment of conceptual processes.

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Advanced Technologies in Robotics and Intelligent Systems pp 45–53 Cite as

Flash Memory—Formation, Development and Prospects

• A. B. Vavrenyuk 10 ,
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Part of the book series: Mechanisms and Machine Science ((Mechan. Machine Science,volume 80))

The history of the emergence, the current state, as well as prospects for the development of flash memory is presented. The physical processes underlying the operation of flash memory, the varieties of its architecture are shown, the modern element base of flash memory is given. The main points are presented, such as the concept of flash memory, floating gate transistors, quantum mechanical Fowler—Nordheim effect (FN—tunneling), hot electron injection, a combination of these recording methods, their advantages and disadvantages, various NOR and NAND flash memory architectures and their combinations, cell varieties and bad block culling. Prospects of further development of flash memory are considered. Currently, attempts are being made to move from two-dimensional topology to three-dimensional. These developments allow the use of metal nanocrystals in the production of memory chips, without making almost any changes in the technological process. A material capable of doubling the capacity of conventional flash memory chips by adding self-forming metal nanocrystals to the production stage of chips by introducing a third dimension into the memory matrix has been developed. At this stage of development continues to dominate flash memory, the prospects of which is devoted to the article is given.

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Vavrenyuk, A.B., Makarov, V.V., Shurygin, V.A. (2020). Flash Memory—Formation, Development and Prospects. In: Misyurin, S., Arakelian, V., Avetisyan, A. (eds) Advanced Technologies in Robotics and Intelligent Systems. Mechanisms and Machine Science, vol 80. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33491-8_5

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Flashbulb memories of Paris attacks

Flashbulb memories are detailed and vivid memories of attributes of the reception context of surprising and emotionally arousing public events.

Patient concerns and diagnosis:

This paper offers a fine-grained view of flashbulb memories in a patient with mild Alzheimer's disease (AD).

Interventions:

The patient underwent a directed interview about the 13 November 2015 attacks in Paris.

Unlike her memory about the date and month of the attacks, the patient provided accurate information about the year, time and places they occurred. The patient also provided accurate information about how she first became aware of the attacks, where she was, with whom, what she was doing, and what time it was when she learned about them. As for the affective characteristics of these memories, she tended to have high ratings of vividness and rehearsal. Negative emotional states and great surprise and novelty were also reported.

By assessing the impact of flashbulb memories in this patient with AD, this paper offers a unique view into how such memories may trigger a considerable recall of context as well much subjective reliving.

1. Introduction

On the evening of Friday November 13, 2015, a series of coordinated terrorist attacks was perpetrated in Paris. Three suicide bombers struck near the Stade de France, followed by suicide bombings and mass attacks at cafés, restaurants, and a music venue in central Paris. The attackers killed and injured 130 and 368 people, respectively. The attacks were the deadliest in France since World War II. As a result, the country was placed on high alert, and a state of emergency was declared. Considering these social and political consequences, our paper assessed whether these attacks have triggered flashbulb memories in a patient with Alzheimer disease (AD).

Flashbulb memories are detailed, vivid, and long-lasting autobiographical memories of attributes of the reception context of surprising and emotionally arousing public events. [ 1 ] According to Brown and Kulik, [ 1 ] people may retain for a long time not only the original public event itself but also the circumstances in which they first learned of the event, such as where they were when it occurred, their ongoing activities, who informed them about it, their reactions, and those of the informant. Since the pioneering work of Brown and Kulik, [ 1 ] flashbulb memories have been observed for a wide range of emotional and surprising public events, such as the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, [ 2 ] the beginning of operation Desert Storm in 1991, [ 3 ] the death of Princess Diana in 1997, [ 4 ] the attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States, [ 4 – 10 ] and the attacks on the satiric journal “Charlie Hebdo” in France. [ 11 ] Although these studies addressed different events across cultures and countries, most of them emphasized the novelty and surprise that were triggered by them. They also highlighted a core feature of flashbulb memories, that is, significant recall of the context in which participants first learned about these events, even 1 year after they had occurred.

Because AD is mainly characterized by memory compromise, [ 12 ] it would be of interest to investigate whether AD patients derive a beneficial effect from flashbulb memories. Research tends to suggest compromised context memory in AD patients, that is, compromised ability to remember where and when an episodic event was encoded [ 13 – 16 ] (refer to Ref. [ 17 ] for a review). Because flashbulb memories are mainly characterized by high memory for the reception context, it would be of interest to assess whether these memories trigger high context recall in AD. A positive effect of flashbulb memories on episodic recall may occur in AD, thanks to the emotional nature of these memories. Research suggests that emotion has a beneficial effect on memory in AD. For instance, Kazui et al [ 18 ] used a story paradigm in which AD patients heard a neutral story and an emotional story describing a child badly hurt in an automobile accident; recall was better for the emotional than for the neutral story. This pattern was confirmed by Satler et al, [ 19 ] who exposed AD patients to a neutral and an emotional story describing a medical operation of a child after a bad car accident. When answering a questionnaire about the stories, AD participants showed better memory for the emotional than for the neutral story. The beneficial effect of emotion on memory in AD was further shown by studies demonstrating better recall for emotional faces in AD patients. [ 20 ] Taken together, these studies suggest that emotion may alleviate AD-related memory decline, an effect that may also concern flashbulb memories as they are laden with emotional weight.

Two studies have investigated flashbulb memories in AD. In the weeks following the attacks of September 11, 2001, Budson et al [ 21 ] asked AD patients questions assessing context memory (e.g., “how did you first become aware of the attacks?,” “where were you?,” “what were you doing?,” and “who else was there?”), as well as fact memory (e.g., “what airline or airlines had planes hijacked?” and “where was President Bush when the attack occurred?”). AD patients were also asked to rate their emotions about the attacks. They demonstrated better context memory that fact memory. Also, AD patients and controls did not differ in the intensity of their reported emotional responses. Finally, large distortions were observed in AD patients for context memory. When Budson et al [ 22 ] carried out the same assessment 3 months later and 1 year later, AD patients demonstrated a large decline in context memory and fact memory between the initial assessment and 3 months later. They also showed some stability for context memory and a large decline in fact memory between 3 months and 1 year.

Budson et al [ 21 , 22 ] revealed the positive effect of flashbulb memories on context recall in AD and their considerable emotional effect. However, although Budson et al [ 21 , 22 ] offered a detailed analysis of the emotional categories (e.g., sadness, anger, and fear) that were prompted by the attacks, no similar analysis was undertaken for context memory (i.e., which component of context memory was influenced by flashbulb memories) or for fact memory. Furthermore, despite offering a global analysis of distortions, [ 21 , 22 ] they did not investigate which component of context memory was prone to these errors. In our view, such an “in-depth” analysis is difficult to be implemented in a group comparison design owing to the substantial number of analyses to be performed. Another factor preventing this “in-depth” view is that AD patients may differ widely in their recall of specific information (e.g., where they were when learning about an event, who they were with, what they were doing, etc.). This memory heterogeneity could be due to individual differences between AD patients, such as differences in cognitive reserve, professional history, educational level, age at disease onset, premorbid intellectual function, neuropsychiatric symptoms, neurological deficits, and comorbidities. In view of this complexity, we used a case study design to offer an in-depth exploration of context and fact recall as well as memory distortions for flashbulb memories in AD.

Case studies allow an in-depth investigation of complex issues, and their qualitative nature could provide a fine-grained description of the effect of flashbulb memories on many aspects of context memory (e.g., the where, when, how, with whom, etc.). We also considered a wide variety of variables that were not taken into account by Budson et al. [ 21 , 22 ] Unlike them, we assessed the vividness of flashbulb memories in terms of visual imagery, auditory imagery, and travel in time. Furthermore, we evaluated the surprise, novelty, and sense of importance that are triggered by flashbulb memories, together with a range of factors that are difficult to assess with quantitative data.

2.1. Participant

Madame F, a patient with early-stage AD, is a right-handed 73-year-old woman with 9 years of formal education. She is a French native-speaker and lives in her own home with her husband who serves as her primary caregiver. One year ago, she reported memory difficulties such as trouble remembering names and groceries she wanted to purchase, as well as frequently losing her papers and keys. Seven months ago, she began to forget frequently to close the gas tap after cooking and tended to demonstrate spatiotemporal disorientation and decision-making difficulties. Five months before the beginning of the present study, a comprehensive clinical assessment including a brain magnetic resonance imaging scan demonstrated mild hippocampal atrophy. The neurologist made a diagnosis of early-stage AD according to standard National Institute of Neurological and Communicative Disorders and Stroke–Alzheimer's Disease and Related Disorders Association diagnostic criteria. [ 12 ] Immediately after the diagnosis, she commenced pharmacotherapy with an acetylcholinesterase inhibitor but did not report any other significant general health comorbidities (e.g., diabetes or hypertension). She reported no history of strokes, seizures, or head injury, an affirmation confirmed by her husband.

2.2. Cognitive and clinical assessment

The assessment took place approximately 2 months after the attacks. After the informed consent of Madame F was obtained, assessment was conducted in her home. General cognitive functioning as assessed with the Mini–Mental State Examination [ 23 ] showed a score of 25 out of a total of 30 points owing to difficulty in delayed recall (30 minus 3 points) and temporal orientation (30 minus 2 points). Episodic memory was evaluated with the French version of the Grober and Buschke [ 24 ] task. She had to retain 16 words and after immediate cued recall, there was a 20-second distraction phase during which she had to count numbers aloud. This phase was followed by 2 minutes of free recall during which she had to correctly remember 6 words (according to the French norms of the Grober and Buschke task, her percentile was below 5%). For working memory evaluation, she had to repeat a string of single digits in the same order (i.e., forward span) or in the reverse order (i.e., backward span); her forward and backward spans were 5 and 4, respectively. Depression was assessed with the self-report Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale, [ 25 ] which consists of 7 items scored on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from 0 (not present) to 3 (considerable); with a score of 10 points, her score was below the threshold of depression (i.e., 11 points).

2.3. Flashbulb memory assessment

Flashbulb memory was assessed using a directed interview technique. The interview included questions on event memory, flashbulb memory, vividness, rehearsal, emotion, surprise, novelty, and importance. Questions on vividness were based on the Autobiographical Memory Questionnaire, [ 26 ] whereas the others were based on classic flashbulb memory questionnaires. [ 1 , 27 – 29 ]

Event memory was assessed with 4 questions concerning general information about the Paris attacks: the date, time, and location of the attacks, the fourth question being a free-response question. Flashbulb memory was assessed with 6 questions concerning the context in which she first learned of the attacks. Vividness was assessed with 3 questions about visual imagery, auditory imagery, and mental time travel (ranging from “not at all” to “extremely”). Rehearsal was assessed with 3 questions about following the media, ranging from “never” to “everyday”. Emotional valence was assessed with 1 question ranging from “very negative” to “very positive”, and emotional state was assessed with 1 question about 9 different feelings (e.g., sadness, confusion, frustration, etc.). Surprise and novelty were each assessed with 1 question. Finally, appraisal of importance was assessed with questions on which she rated to what extent the event was important to herself, families/friends, the country, and the international community (ranging from “not at all important” to “very important”). The interview and her answers are transcribed below.

2.3.1. The interview

2.3.1.1. event memory.

Madame F: Saturday/October/2015

Madame F: in the evening

Madame F: at the Stade de France then in several streets in Paris, there was a bar that was particularly attacked. I cannot remember its name but I know that there was a concert inside.

Madame F: there were many suicide bombers.

2.3.1.2. Flashbulb memory

Madame F: my husband came to my room, he seemed shocked, he stood beside me without saying any word, I was in the bed, and he turned on the TV

Madame F: in my room

Madame F: my husband

Madame F: I was lying in my bed

Madame F: the same day of the attacks, Saturday I guess

Madame F: very late in the evening

2.3.1.3. Vividness

Madame F: extremely

Madame F: quite a bit

2.3.1.4. Rehearsal

Madame F: every day

Madame F: every day with my husband

2.3.1.5. Emotion

Madame F: negative

When you first learned about the attacks, you were

Madame F: very shocked

Madame F: moderately confused

Madame F: very sad

Madame F: moderately angry

Madame F: very afraid

Madame F: quite a bit anxious

Madame F: a little disappointed

Madame F: very insecure

Madame F: moderately frustrated

2.3.1.6. Surprise

Madame F: very surprised

2.3.1.7. Novelty

Madame F: very usual

2.3.1.8. Importance

Madame F: moderately important

Madame F: quite a bit important

Madame F: very important

2.4. Analysis of memory distortions

Madame F provided correct answers about the year, time (the attacks occurred in the evening), and place of the attacks (attacks at “Le Bataclan” theater were particularly bloody as there were many people gathering for a concert). However, her answers were inappropriate about the day and the month. As for flashbulb memory, her husband confirmed all her answers, except for the day (i.e., his wife learned about the attacks on Friday and not Saturday).

3. Discussion

The purpose of the present paper was 2-fold. The first objective was to offer a fine-grained view of flashbulb memories as well as of their vividness, rehearsal, and emotional value in a patient with mild AD. The second objective was to assess the authenticity of memories about the reception context. Unlike her memory about the date and month of the attacks, Madame F provided accurate information about the year, time, place, and the suicide bombers (there were, indeed, 3 suicide bombers). Unlike her memory about the day, she gave accurate information, as confirmed by her husband, about how she first became aware of the attacks, where she was, who she was with, what she was doing, and what time it was when she learned about the attacks. This suggests extensive memories of the reception context. As for the affective characteristics of these memories, she had high ratings for vividness and rehearsal. Negative emotional states and great surprise were also reported. Finally, she rated the events as very unusual and as having some importance to herself and her family.

Her relatively high and accurate memory of the reception context of the Paris attacks is important, since AD has been widely associated with a decline in context memory (refer to Ref. [ 17 ] for a review). Research in AD tends to suggest compromised ability to remember where and when an episodic event was encoded. [ 13 – 16 ] For instance, a study demonstrated difficulties in AD participants in remembering the location in which letters were previously exposed. [ 30 ] This context memory deficit seems to be alleviated by flashbulb memories, an assumption that fits with the work of Budson et al [ 21 , 22 ] who observed extensive memory of the reception context in their participants. Regardless of the findings concerning context memory, our findings and those of Budson et al [ 21 , 22 ] are of interest as they demonstrate some ability to encode/retrieve recent events in AD (assessment with Madame F took place mid-January 2016). This positive effect of flashbulb memories challenges the notion of anterograde amnesia in AD, that is, difficulties to form new memories. [ 31 ] This effect also demonstrates, at least in this case study, that small distortions may be observed for flashbulb memories in AD.

Besides demonstrating the positive effect of flashbulb memories in a case with AD, the present paper suggests that these memories trigger strong vividness. Research tends to suggest that the ability to mentally relive past events is compromised in AD patients (refer to Ref. [ 31 ] for a review). Piolino et al [ 32 ] used the “Remember/Know” paradigm [ 33 ] with AD participants who had to provide a “Remember” response if they were able to retrieve a specific event with its encoding context and a “Know” response if they knew the event had happened to them but could not recall any contextual detail. The subjects had great difficulty in mentally reliving the events (i.e., they provided few “remember” responses), findings that were confirmed by subsequent studies. [ 31 , 34 – 36 ] However, Madame F reported high visual imagery, auditory imagery, and mental time travel for flashbulb memories. To our knowledge, this is the first study to assess the subjective experience of flashbulb memories in AD. In our view, despite their compromised ability to mentally relive past events, AD patients may succeed in retaining some subjective reliving of highly emotional events. This assumption is supported by research suggesting some preservation of the ability of AD patients to access memories that are highly relevant for self-images (i.e., self-defining memories). [ 37 , 38 ]

Another finding was the negative emotional valence and states that were reported by Madame F for the attacks. This emotional value fits the definition of flashbulb memories, [ 28 ] according to which such memories are primarily related to emotionally arousing public events. The effect of emotion on memory has been observed in several studies reporting a beneficial effect of emotion on memory for stories [ 18 ] words, [ 39 , 40 ] texts, [ 41 ] and faces [ 20 ] in AD. This supports the assumption about the beneficial effect of emotion on flashbulb memories in Madame F. The emotional involvement in flashbulb memories is also highlighted by the assumption of Luminet et al, [ 29 ] according to which appraisal of novelty of an unexpected public event triggers an appraisal of importance and consequentiality which, in turn, leads to emotional feeling states that underlie flashbulb memories.

One may argue that a case study approach limits the generalization of results. Although this is a clear limitation, case studies provide insight into a subject before more complete research. Moreover, case studies address challenges associated with the analysis of a multitude of factors that are difficult to grasp with quantitative data; in the present paper, many factors (e.g., event memory, flashbulb memory, and subjective reliving) were tested in an exploratory fashion and in an amnesic patient. It was hence important to test the effect of these procedures in a case study fashion before suggesting them for wider research. Future research should consider our results in designing empirical tests and interpreting statistical results. Another shortcoming is that we did not control for confounding factors related to personality or intelligence.

To summarize, there are few, if any, laboratory stimuli that are sufficiently salient to trigger memory over long periods of time in AD; the attacks in Paris provide an opportunity to overcome this challenge. The flashbulb memories related to these attacks also provide an opportunity to study memory for everyday life events in AD. Because AD patients may differ widely with regard to their educational background, physical activity, lifestyle, and cognitive reserve, it is not surprising that they demonstrate selective recall of details related to everyday life events, at least those in the mild stages of the disease. In view of this heterogeneity, this case report offers a unique view into how flashbulb memories may trigger a considerable context recall in an AD patient. By providing a fine-grained description of the impact of flashbulb memories on a case with AD, the present paper paves the way for the detailed quantitative description of memory functioning in AD, at least for emotional memory.

Acknowledgments

The author would like to thank Dr Ray Cooke for linguistic assistance.

Abbreviation: AD = Alzheimer disease.

The work was supported by the LABEX (excellence laboratory, program investment for the future), DISTALZ (Development of Innovative Strategies for a Transdisciplinary approach to Alzheimer disease), and the French National Center of Research.

The authors have no conflicts of interest to disclose.

Psych 256: Cognitive Psychology, 002, SP24

Making connections between theory and reality., flashbulb memory and covid 19.

As a society there are certain moments in history that we all share detailed memories of with our cohorts. These would include events like the events of 911 or older generations it would be events like the assassination of JFK. These autobiographical memories are often referred to in cognitive psychology as flashbulb memories. The basis of this post is to explore if the events related to Covid 19 did in fact create flashbulb memories.

To determine if flashbulb memories were made in relation to Covid 19 it is important to understand what they are and how they form. A flashbulb memory is typically characterized by the ability to recall it in vivid detail and after a long period of time. These are primarily formed by a shocking or intense moment that has strong emotions or personal significance related to it. While not all flashbulb memories are societal in nature, all societal memories of this type are uniquely personal.

While the out brake of Covid 19 was only a few years ago there is some evidence to support the theory that flashbulb memories were created.  In a cross-national study published by pubmed examined the evidence across 11 countries. What they found is that “Participants had detailed memories of the date and others present when they heard the news, and had partially detailed memories of the place, activity, and news source.” (Hove, England) It was also discovered that the highest presenile of those with flashbulb memories was in China. (Hove, England)

In another article published by the University of Michigan confirms that indeed flashbulb memory were formed. This study focused on how these memories varied between political affiliations. (umdearborn) The results of this study showed that the strength memories varied depending on political affiliation. (umdearborn) those with the highest formation of flashbulb memories in this study are those who affiliate with the independent party. (umdearborn)

While research on flashbulb memories related to Covid 19 is just beginning I believe that there is significant evidence pointing to the formation of this kind of memory. While not directly stated, the studies reinforce the therapy that the memories form stronger with personal connection whether that be proximity or empathy. How these flashbulb memories differ from one that are conventionally associated. Is that it was not a sudden event, it was rather a series of events i.e. news of the virus, stay at home orders, mask mandates.

References:

Lanciano, T., Alfeo, F., Curci, A., Marin, C., D’Uggento, A. M., Decarolis, D., Öner, S., Anthony, K., Barzykowski, K., Bascón, M., Benavides, A., Cabildo, A., de la Mata-Benítez, M. L., Ergen, İ., Filip, K., Gofman, A., Janssen, S. M. J., Kai-Bin, Z., Markostamou, I., Matías-García, J. A., … Zheng, J. (2024). The flashbulb-like nature of memory for the first COVID-19 case and the impact of the emergency. A cross-national survey.  Memory (Hove, England) ,  32 (2), 264–282. https://doi.org/10.1080/09658211.2024.2310554

https://umdearborn.edu/news/covid-19-and-flashbulb-memory

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